Corruption in the financial sector is glaring. Political corruption in obtaining nominations, bribing party leaders and segments of people in the electoral arena is not uncommon. Corruption is stifling democratisation and destroying the trust between the leaders and the people. In fact, people are increasingly questioning the political leaders' motivations and moral integrity. Today, people of high moral calibre consider politics as messy and compromising. Establishing and maintaining just democratic institutions is critical in reducing the severity of the ethical dilemma facing political leaders. When political leaders and officials engage in bribery and graft they can be called to account by an independent and honest judiciary or anti-corruption commission.

At last the government has been able to set up a three-member anti-corruption commission under the chairmanship of justice Sultan Hossain Khan, a former high court judge. The two other members on the commission are Muniruzzaman Mia and Muniruddin Ahmed, a former vice chancellor of Dhaka University and a former chairman of Securities and Exchange Commission, respectively. All the members of the commission are reported to be pro-BNP. This cannot, however, be a disqualification for their selection. But this exposes to an extent 'intention of the present government.' This is unfortunate that even the donor agencies have clearly stated that it is not dearth of resource it is rather the weakness of institutions which is responsible for slow growth of Bangladesh economy. So long as the current politicisation continues the alliance government will never be able to build up any strong institution. Politicisation has already made the weak and inefficient bureaucracy almost non-functional.

In a branded corrupt country like Bangladesh how can we expect that a commission consisting of three pro-BNP members and headed by an octogenarian retired high court judge will be able to handle the stupendous task of controlling corruption in Bangladesh? It is difficult for us to believe that such members can take strong decision unpalatable to either BNP or the alliance government.

The commission declares that it would be able to bring significant improvement in the country's corruption situation within a month. It has, however, not disclosed the strategy it desires to adopt to perform this extremely challenging task. It has, however, admitted that it would not be possible for it to root out corruption totally from the country though it can be reduced to a great extent.

All the officers and staff of the defunct BAC will work with the commission. Such a step indicates that there may not be any appreciable change in handling the cases of corruption. We are told that budgetary control of the commission will not be under the executive branch. This is hope inspiring. However, it is not clear as to how the commission can show better performance if it is advised by the officers of the former BAC, a static department. There is strong possibility that it would turn out to be old wine in a new bottle. We may even apprehend a worse situation (creation of more confusion).

We do not know the extent of satisfaction of the donor agencies in the establishment of the commission. It depends on the quality of performance of the commission. It may be stated in this regard that the conscious citizens of Bangladesh could not expect anything better than the present set up of ACC because the present government not only cannot trust the members of the opposition, it hardly trusts its own capability. Needless to say that it must show less importance on politicisation if it at all aims at showing better performance in future.

The commission has started to work. All the officers and staff of the defunct BAC have been asked by the commission to submit the statements of their individual assets on the day of joining the ACC within a month. This step may control the cases of graft of these personnel for future. But what about their past records. Can we assume that all the personnel of the former BAC are free from corruption. On the other hand, if a substantial number of them have dubious record or have ill reputation, can we expect that some magic wand of the commission will turn them into angels? The government must think about it seriously if it sincerely desires to control corruption drastically.

The relationship between the ACC and the TIB may be carefully spelt out. Otherwise there might be chaos and confusion. It needs also be stated as to the accountability of the commission. It may be seen whether it can be made accountable directly to the parliament. Only such step can really make the commission independent.

It is always better to start something than to sit idle and waste time brooding. We have reached a stage where, perhaps, our economy cannot withstand any more delay. The setting up of the commission may not be the best option. At least it is a beginning. Setting up of a strong, upright and neutral commission is a Herculean task. Is it extremely difficult to find really honest, just and neutral person in a highly corrupt society of Bangladesh. It is easy to find fault in others' judgement. It is extremely hard job to come to a correct judgement. Despite defects and deficiencies in the commission we may not be totally disappointed if the government as well as the opposition fully support the commission and allow it to work smoothly, coolly and courageously so that it is not regarded as the poor substitute of the defunct BAC, a vehicle for pursuing personal and political vendettas and a source of delay and inefficiency.

ABMS Zahur is a former Joint Secretary.