Given the present crisis of suicide bombings and almost universal claim of Jamaat's alleged ties to the extremists, an influential quarter in the BNP has demanded severing all ties with the fundamentalist party for the greater interest of the nation.

In democracy, liberal or otherwise, coalition of like-minded parties is not new. In this regard, the world's largest democracy, India, immediately comes to mind. One sees a parallel in Bangladesh since 2001. The immediate past coalition government of Atal Behar Vajpayee had Hindu fundamentalists in the cabinet.

Perhaps the BNP formed a coalition with Muslim fundamentalist Jamaat to win the election in 2001 after eyeing the temporary rise of the BJP. The present crisis created by the JMB, however, raises a question. Like BJP, is the BNP-Jamaat coalition destined to collapse after one term? Before addressing this question, we need to revisit Jamaat gaining legitimacy in the politics of Bangladesh.

It is needless to say, Jamaat appeared prominent on the political radar of Bangladesh during the movement against the regime of General HM Ershad in late 1980s. One does not forget that both the BNP (to greater extent) and the AL (to lesser extent) gave Jamaat recognition as one of the partners in the people power. However, it is the BNP which came close to Jamaat politics after the 1991 general election when with the support of this party, Begum Zia first tasted the seat of power in 1991. The BNP-Jamaat affinity over 1991-96 did not last long since Jamaat sided with the opposition movement against Begum Zia's then government in boycotting the voterless election in February 1996.

What does this mean? Through direct participation in the two popular movements (1990 and 1996) over ten years, Jamaat apparently cultivated and won the hearts and minds of our leaders. Eventually, Begum Zia honoured Jamaat by inviting them as a major coalition partner in 2001. The readers, however, know the rest of the drama well, which has been unfolding in Bangladesh over the last four years.

Having said that, under the present crisis, is the BNP-Jamaat partnership destined to oblivion? Certainly, the partnership has so far worked well for Jamaat, but the BNP has lost whatever credibility it had with the electorate since 1991.

As a part of the government, with the support of some BNP lawmakers in the northern region, Jamaat raised its status as the alleged undeclared political wing of the so-called Islamists such as JMB, Harkatul Jihad, and so on.

The Chief of Jamaat, Nizami, however, has denied such a role for the party. But is he credible? Has he been truthful in the past? For argument's sake, say we believe him this time. Then one may asks, what role Nizami played so far to capture even a single militant? Moreover, it is in the record that he has categorically said: "There is no Bangla Bhai. He is the making of the media."

Has he underestimated the JMB militants? We do not think so. Perhaps by acting like this, he has instigated the JMB to attain their common goal, the creation of a Taliban-style state.

The names of Jamaat, Nizami, and Saydee we happened to know since 1971, and we can be forgiven for concluding that their word is not worthy of trust. That a political party of the stature of the BNP does not know this well is beyond imagination. Of course, the BNP and its constituency of freedom fighters know the role Jamaat played in the liberation war and the atrocities they have committed on this soil.

The BNP, however, was convinced that without forming coalition with Jamaat, the party had no chance in 2001 election. Whoever made this proposition to the BNP high command, we know now that they had ulterior motives. The outcome of this coalition is now crystal clear. After four years of sharing the bed, it is the BNP which has lost its credibility to the nation, but the so-called partner has been shining.

Shining not only in political terms, but also in terms of patriotism. An idea has recently been floated that Jamaat is the custodian of clean and corruption-free cabinet members of the present Khaled-Nizami government. It is now widely known in Dhaka that Nizami does not live on his own income, but is dependent on his the earnings of the school teaching wife of the minister. If true, in the present context of corruption-ridden Bangladesh, of course the credit goes to the family.

That the Jamaat and its politicians have been corruption-free and ultra-efficient sounds a bit odd. The reality is Nizami's initial appointment as Minister for Agriculture was a major crisis for the incumbent. Subsequently, Nizami left agriculture after creating a mess in a previously healthy department steered by former minister, Motia Chowdhury until 2001.

Timely removal of Nizami out of agriculture saved the nation from a near catastrophe in food production. Yet, Nizami was rewarded with a promotion to another important portfolio, iindustries. In view of the above, a legitimate concern has surfaced in the Khaleda-Nizami administration that the BNP-Jamaat coalition is dragging the nation back to the days of 1971, both politically and economically.

Having said that, from a distance, one sees yet light at the end of the tunnel. The recent visit by Bill Gates and his wife is a ray of hope in the era of suicide bombing. Such a visit without doubt creates a good image for the nation at a time when image is a rare commodity in Bangladesh.

Dr Khan and Dr Farruk were nominated by the government to welcome the Microsoft boss and his wife. On this occasion, the leadership of the technology and education portfolios were obvious choice due to the nature of the work Microsoft does. It is widely known that the IT industry is also Microsoft's major interest (Bill Gates has just announced $1.7 billion investment in the IT industry of India). However there was no sign of Nizami as incumbent minister for industry during the visit by Mr. Gates.

Perhaps the BNP high command ultimately realised that Nizami was not an appriate representative of the government on such an occasion, and decided to keep Nizami off the roster.

What does all this suggest? The coalition with Jamaat is not only destroying the credibility of the BNP to the electorate, but it is also dragging the nation towards isolation internationally.

Unfortunately, the reality is that however Begam Zia wants to paint a good image for her government at home and abroad, what is more important is the reality.

She knows well that the fundamentalists put the nation on the world's radar the day that they declared in public: "Amra Hobo Taleban, Bangla Hobe Afghan."

The PM needs to reverse the course of the ship of state before this boast becomes a reality.

The author is a freelance contributor to The Daily Star.