Bangladesh, being reliant on donors and aid, has to be prepared to take cognisance of their suggestions, interventions and recommendations -- mostly polite but firm. This is so, despite the fact that the importance of foreign aid has declined for Bangladesh over the years. Currently, it accounts for no more than 2 percent of our GDP. Nevertheless, we listen to the donors because they reflect institutional world opinion.

Nearly two months have passed since the PRSP dialogue. The question that troubles all of us is whether there has been any movement forward since then.

Unfortunately, the refrain and perception appears to be almost the same.

Let us take the rise of militancy first. In November, talking to two visiting Editors from Bangladesh, in his US State Department Office in Washington, John A Gastright Jr., Deputy Assistant Secretary of State, Bureau of South Asian Affairs, expressed concern about the role of militants in Bangladesh and the factor of religious extremism. He was also critical of extra-judicial killings and observed that these were examples of gross human rights violation. It was also termed that anyone killed by an executive agency reflected failure on the part of the government. He also referred to the lack of security for journalists and the ineffectiveness of the Anti Corruption Commission.

What do we see now? Weeks later, the US States Department's indictment has not become any better. The same senior official, participating in an online discussion on the current state of US-Bangladesh relations against expressed 'concern' about Bangladesh's future and spelt out several measures that were not being effectively adopted by the government.

I will ask the readers to remember that this was not Awami League or other members of the Opposition being critical of the government's handling of the militant situation within the country. The important point was that the remarks of the US official were surprisingly similar in content and connotation.

It was underlined that the government should take more effective steps in the closing of institutions, organisations and facilities linked with Islamic extremists and 'capture and prosecute Bangla Bhai and Abdur Rahman'. In addition to this, there was also another important message for the government -- something that the Opposition has been mentioning for some time now. The US official has cautioned against too much euphoria over the recent success of the Security Forces in capturing alleged JMB figures. He reiterated that the US welcomed the arrests of the JMB activists and the seizure of the arms and explosive caches. However, this was not sufficient as most of the JMB's senior leadership remained at large and 'the actual impact' of such seizures 'on the JMB's operational capabilities was unclear.' Mr Gastright also reflected existing opinion within Bangladesh when he said that 'investigations of incidents' should 'run their full course, including the investigation of government officials, if applicable, and not just end with prosecution of low level figures.'

Such an approach is vital. The government must understand that there is no easy way to succeed in the their fight against militancy. It will require not only urgent implementation of anti-money laundering legislation but also support of the Comprehensive Convention against International Terrorism.

We have watched with growing anxiety the way politicisation has taken over the government's attempts to stem terrorism. Frustration over the Awami League's refusal to sit down with the Alliance Administration to discuss militant activism has now led to a whisper campaign and even postering that the Awami League is encouraging these militants. What rubbish! Till now, none of the apprehended JMB activists have claimed that the Awami League trained them or that they received weapons or explosives from Awami League sources. There has still now been no evidence that there exists any nexus between these militants and any Opposition party.

The government needs to listen to what others are saying -- not just the sycophants that have surrounded the BNP leadership. The fate of the dialogue, initiated by the prime minister on November 30 has been less than successful. No one seems to be able to say when this dialogue will be completed. There is also widespread confusion about the fate of the many suggestions that have been already received from the different political parties and professional groups. This has prompted civil society members to question the effectiveness of the dialogue.

We have to understand that there are only eight months left in this government's tenure. There are many unresolved problems still left. Time is of the essence if the next election is to be considered as free and fair and its outcome eventually acceptable to all parties.

The activities of the chief election commissioner and that of the Election Commission have already become controversial. The manner in which the voters list is being prepared has only added to the lack of credibility in the process. Assuring the independence of the Election Commission and reforms within the Election Commission Secretariat are desperately needed. The government has to focus on the existing areas of debate and try to find effective solutions.

Our government leaders continue to upbraid the Opposition and allege that they are responsible for tarnishing the image of the country abroad. However, this government should objectively look at their own performance and ascertain whether their own actions or lack of proper governance is creating this effect.

I am referring in this context to the deliberate policy of politicisation of the judiciary and the executive. It is particularly distressing that in some cases normal criteria for granting promotions are being set aside. Merit and seniority are quite often being ignored. This is leading to frustration. Such measures are being defended on the plea that politicisation in promotions, retirement and granting of contractual appointments originated during the previous administration. I am not sure that it is entirely correct. However, even if there might have been some parallels in the past, two wrongs do not make a right. As an ordinary citizen, I feel aggrieved that national interest is being overtaken by party interest. Such a step is bound to create complications in the long run.

I now turn to the relentless rise in the price of essentials -- rice, lentil, edible oil, salt, sugar and milk powder. All staple items for each family. All becoming dearer every day. The government's reaction to this issue has been superficial to say the least. The major reason for this tardy reaction appears to be the close linkage between the government politicians and those who are in the business of importing and storing such items. The government has to understand that there is runaway inflation which always has a contributory effect with regard to corruption.

Ineffective governance only creates instability. It also provides extremists with grounds for militancy. We have to be more careful than ever before. We require institutional reforms -- and these must be put in place.

We must remember that Bangladesh by now could have qualified for the US Millennium Challenge Account but has been unable to do so because of the corruption perception index.

We can move forward and overcome this malaise only through a functioning democracy where democratic norms and values will have to be practiced inside the Parliament as well as in the functioning of the Executive and the Judiciary. Constructive criticism is good and should be welcomed. It is self-defeating to try to stop comments through threats.

Muhammad Zamir is a former Secretary and Ambassador who can be reached at mzamir@dhaka.net