Egyptian Foreign Minister Ahmed Abul Gheit, quite understandably termed it as the "creation of a new political reality in the region." US President Bush described it as a "wake-up call." Joseph Samaha, writing in Lebanon's As-Safir newspaper, also referred to it as "the first peaceful change of power of such fundamental proportions in Arab history." This last comment is significant given the fact that Islamist parties have sometimes done well at the polls in Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon and Algeria, but have never formed a government. It may be recalled that an Islamist party scored a similar triumph in the first round of an election in Algeria in 1991, but was blocked from assuming power through a military inspired coup.

This however has not been the first victory for Hamas (an acronym for the Islamic Resistance Movement) in the electoral process. It enjoyed great success in the latest Palestinian municipal elections. This encouraged its leadership to participate in the parliamentary polls. The consequence has been an earthquake not only for the Palestinian political arena but also for the entire region. They have now heralded a dramatic transformation, a year and a few months after the passing away of Arafat.

The movement has now morphed from a militant organisation to a political party in less than a generation. Haim Malka writing in The Washington Quarterly (Autumn 2005) has correctly assessed that its participation on the national level is evidence of Hamas's adaptability and durability within Palestinian society and politics.

Needless to say, speculation and uneasiness has surrounded Hamas's newfound role among the United States, Israel, Europe, and many Arab governments. Critics from within these areas have suggested that Hamas and its militant agenda will result in greater instability and act as a catalyst for further terrorist activities.

On the other hand, several proponents have mentioned that expansion of Hamas's role and political activity in Palestinian national politics will ultimately moderate the movement. These advocates do not attach special significance to the fact that the Fatah political regime has had a decline. They point out that Fatah had it coming given their lack of accountability and significant corruption. I would tend to agree with them. It appears that Hamas, astutely, understood the frustration within the Palestinian political arena and decided to exploit the situation. In this, they have demonstrated political pragmatism. This also encourages me to believe that this aspect of maturity will persuade them to modify their absolutist demands.

I have spent many years in the Middle East during my diplomatic postings in Lebanon, Egypt, Iran, Libya, and Saudi Arabia. I have learnt one thing during this time. What we have there is a high-stakes poker game. We have a dangerous mix of oil, feudalism, fundamentalism, and lack of transparency. The Creator understood this best. That is why He probably sent so many prophets to that region to continuously remind everyone concerned about morality, ethics, and peace.

Today, we are faced with a serious political impasse in the Middle East. The situation has become that much more complex because of the incapacitation of Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon and the trouble brewing in Iran and Syria. Added to this, for the first time, is also the recognition among the Israeli leadership about the wisdom of disengagement and withdrawal from the occupied territories. There is still a lot of reluctance in this regard but it is becoming evident that mind-sets are changing because of demographic realities.

It is sinking in that a "Greater Israel" will also include millions of Palestinians whose population is increasing at a faster rate than those of the Jewish faith. It is also being understood that unless Israel is careful, there is likelihood of the Jewish population becoming a minority in their own country. It is probably this awareness that persuaded the Kadima leadership, ahead of the next Israeli elections on March 28, to stress on the process of continued unilateral disengagement. It appears that the Likud Party, under the leadership of media-savvy Benjamin Netanyahu, has also understood the wisdom of territorial concessions to avoid the population time bomb.

The latest poll on the Israeli elections, taken just before the Hamas victory, had indicated that the new, softer Kadima Party was likely to win 43 seats in the next 120 member Israeli Parliament ahead of left-wing Labour with 17 seats and Likud with 13 seats. All this might change now. This will mean that peace making will be that much more difficult. The natural tendency on the part of the Israeli electorate will be to be nervous and cautious.

It is true that Acting Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert, in a keynote speech on January 24 (just before the Palestinian elections), had remarked that "Israel is unafraid of the prospect of Hamas taking over a greater share of power after the election.

" In all probability, he had anticipated that Hamas would win some seats and be in the Opposition. An overwhelming Hamas victory appears to have unsettled Israel's geopolitical equation sufficiently, to immediately persuade them to contact Russia on January 27 and to urge Russia to issue a statement that there can be no prospect of a Palestinian state unless Hamas renounces violence.

Hamas has stated that it desires a "political partnership" in the interest of the Palestinian people. They know the problems ahead of them-international legitimacy and lack of financial resources. There will also be the question of funding for an organisation/political party that is on the terrorist list both in the US and Europe. Discretion, consequently, will have to be the order of the day.

Egypt and Jordan, the two other central players in the peace-process, have made the right noises. Egyptian President Hosni Mobarak has asked the vanquished Fatah party and Hamas to work together to promote "peace efforts and realise the aspirations of the Palestinian people for an independent state." King Abdullah II of Jordan has similarly cautioned that "whatever the results of the election, the establishment of a Palestine State alongside Israel remains the only solution for establishing peace and putting an end to violence and extremism."

Hamas has claimed that Europe and the US have to work with the new reality. It is also incumbent on Hamas to recognise the existing reality on the ground. Israel is here to stay. The United States is also firmly entrenched in the Middle East -- in Iraq, in the Gulf States, in Jordan, and Egypt. Hamas has to work within this scenario. They have to learn to move ahead in the peace process according to international dynamics, and not lose the sympathy of the Quartet, particularly, the European Union (the balancing factor with the United States).

The people of Palestine have spoken for change and good, clean government. This does not mean that they have supported more extremism. Hamas has to understand this.

Many radical organisations have changed over time to accommodate the broad interests of their constituents. We have seen how Sinn Fein has changed in Northern Ireland. Both Sharon and Rabin also gradually embraced reality. In this regard, Hamas would do well to heed the widely respected Palestinian leader Hanan Ashrawi's comments after the Palestinian elections. She has urged Hamas to abandon its extreme rhetoric and try to assimilate itself within the international community.

However, such efforts on the part of Hamas can only be one side of the coin. The world, particularly the United States, has to accept the democratic process and its results. There might be some danger in allowing an armed movement to reap the benefits of political participation, but integrating Hamas into the electoral and democratic process is a necessary step for the long-term strategy of democratizing Palestinian politics and ultimately creating an independent Palestinian state.

Hamas emerged in the Gaza strip during the first days of the Palestinian uprising in December 1987 and quickly assumed a leading role in the violent struggle against Israel. The movement has also focused on doing charitable works and providing social services such as Islamic education. Its aim, based on a blend of Palestinian nationalism and Islam, is to liberate Palestine through jihad. As a militant movement, till now, they have used violence and terror to achieve political ends. The time for change has now arrived. When they participated in the parliamentary polls they might have thought that they will win some seats and be in the opposition and pursue their objectives. This has however not been so. They have to rise to the occasion and agree to abide by international standards and respect the rule of law. The first step could be to refrain from brandishing weapons in public, an act that deepens the public's sense of insecurity and chaos. In this context, it was positive to note Syrian based Hamas leader Khaled Meshaal's statement proposing that Hamas weapons could be absorbed into a united Palestine army if the international community wants Hamas to disarm.

As expected, uncertainty, stand-offs and bonfires have followed the election. Different Palestinian political parties, particularly Fatah, will however have to understand that such shambolic behaviour will hurt the Palestinian cause and strengthen the hands of those who consider the Palestinian Authority as dysfunctional.

At the same time, the Quartet, instead of shunning the new regime in Palestine, should carry on their task of finding peace through gradual withdrawal from occupied territory. Withholding financial support will be self-defeating. It will only make things worse and isolate the already suffering Palestinian population even further. It will also lead to greater frustration and extremism.

In this context, German Chancellor Angela Merkel's visit to Ramallah was an encouraging and welcome step. Merkel's views and comments of Palestinian President M. Abbas during the joint press conference, provided clarity for all sides with regard to the future dynamics of the peace process and the economic perspectives related to future financial assistance to the Palestinian Authority. Palestinian President Abbas has shown perspicacity in the manner in which he has handled the problem until now. He needs to be supported by the Quartet.

Muhammad Zamir is a former Secretary and Ambassador.