The main two political parties would rush in to blame the other, soon after the bombing incidents without properly ascertaining the associated facts and information. The abortive attack on the then Prime Minister in 1998, in Kotalipara, was blamed on a senior opposition leader, now minister in the current government, despite a charge sheet having been filed against Mufti Hannan, a militant leader of the Harkatul Jehad. This mind-set stems from the non-trial and rehabilitation of the killers of the founding father of the nation, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his family. The post 1975 government removed the restriction in the Bangladesh Constitution on forming religion-based political parties to counter the secular forces. This step by the current ruling party led the current opposition party to view the former as its nemesis. On the other hand, the current ruling party always blamed the opposition for the bomb blasts despite admission and confessions having been made by the Islamic militants.

1998 saw the first ever visit by a US President to Bangladesh. President Bill Clinton refused to visit the Jatiyo Smriti Shoudha at Savar on alleged existence of militants in that area. A spate of bombings followed in 1999 and 2000 and the country's intelligence agencies utterly failed to obtain advance information about the plans and activities of the militants. These failures by the agencies raise questions about whether they were infiltrated by members of the militant organisations.

If we look back, about a decade earlier, in 1989, the militants engaged the law enforcing forces in a clash in Shimulia and in 1996, 41 militants were arrested in Cox's Bazar. Despite all these incidents, the administration failed to appreciate the required seriousness and its long-term implications for the country's security, peace and harmony.

Since 2001, there was an excessive and frequent increase in militant operations. These outfits had the audacity to marshall themselves with a large number of followers who were trained in subversive activities funded by local and foreign organisations sympathetic to them and whose creed was anti-secular. The media then highlighted the deep concern of domestic and international organisations, which finally led the government to ban three militant organisations.

2005's August 17 bomb blasts across the country may have packed little strength but was significant in its implications. Courtrooms were bombed and judges and lawyers killed at a number of cities in the country. All these led to strident calls from the country's civil society, intellectuals, politicians, lawyers, judges, professionals and general public well supported by both the print and electronic media and the donor countries to take immediate and strong action against the militants. Finally, a section of the ruling party managed to prevail upon the decision-makers to begin a strong drive to nab the lynchpins in the militant outfits.

However, one sees the events -- like a "Drama" and the Tom Cruise action movie "Mission Impossible" -- the arrest of Shaekh Rahman and Siddiqul Islam alias Bangla Bhai along with some of their cohorts came within the two months pledged by the government to nab the militant outlaws.

Shaekh Rahman's conditions of surrender included to be able to talk in front of the media, which he was not allowed to. A certain military expert who is a senior and retired army personnel, has opined that nowhere in the world are terrorists allowed to make statements in front of the media soon after their arrest. I must mention that in other countries:

-- The government and the opposition do not blame each other as regards militant issues

-- The Islamic militants target western interests and people of other religions, their installations, whereas, the victims in our country are people of the same religion and some minorities

-- Accused militants cannot obtain bail without signature by lawyers on the bail bonds

-- Militants do not wage jihad to grab state power

-- One will rarely hear of reported complicity by government officials in militant activities

-- Members of suicide squads do not surrender

-- Arrested militants do not wish to talk to the media on their won accord

The investigation process is flawed by the officials falling prey to bribes from the accused, political influence and in some cases, negligence. Therefore, the process is impaired at the first step. Sometimes, the accused are charge-sheeted on lesser offences than what they were arrested for. According to the Law Minister, "new and stronger" laws will be enacted to try these types of militants. However, drafting the laws and making them effective will mean spoiling a lot of time and perhaps allow the top two militants enjoy delicious food in air-conditioned atmosphere.

There are intelligence reports of the existence of nearly 58 militant outfits in the country tracing back the evolution to 1976. These and their parent organisations should be brought to book at the earliest and given exemplary and deterrent punishment. There are also reports of complicity at the top echelons, however, attention is being diverted to finding out low-level officials in the law-enforcing agencies who reportedly assisted the militants, which is a questionable process.

In conclusion, the twin arrest of Shaekh Rahman and Bangla Bhai is not enough. Their guides, mentors, motivators, organisations and people providing funds, arms, ammunition, bomb making materials and shelter should be found out and brought under the strict ambit of the law. There must be complete transparency in both the investigation and judicial process and the strictest possible punishment meted out to these miscreants who had made public life insecure besides killing and maiming so many innocent people. The people of Bangladesh do not wish to see any farcical game in the name of investigation and trial.

The writer is a former teacher of political science.