Committed to PEOPLE'S RIGHT TO KNOW
Vol. 5 Num 669 Mon. April 17, 2006  
   
Editorial


Perspectives
The aftermath of Bush's South Asian jaunt


Pakistan's addiction to an American connection is almost proverbial. Not only has she been fond of the bonanza it accompanies, the Pakistanis' narcotic dependence on the US' goodwill and largesse for their security and wellbeing has also been well-known.

It started receiving enviably superior military hardware ever since it pitched its tent in American camp as early as in the fifties and joined most of the US-sponsored pacts and alliances. Although Pakistan's equation with the US has seldom been smooth the congruity of interests kept it alive with Pakistan earning the distinction of being 'America's most allied ally yet after the US' conquest of the cold war -- with Pakistan playing a vital role in organising Afghan resistance war against the Soviet invaders. Pakistan was virtually abandoned by the US which rather 'rewarded' the former by censuring henceforth its nuclear programme.

However when their lost link was revived in the wake of 9/11, much to the delight of the Pakistanis, their constant worry was about its longevity. They knew to their discomfort that the restored relationship between the two was based mainly on Pakistan's supporting role in the war against terrorism. The fact that it was not part of the US' grand strategic design for Asia it may abruptly come to an end once its usefulness was over.

Their worst fear came true with President Bush's recent jaunt through South Asia which for the first time dehyphenated India and Pakistan. In essence India has emerged from the Bush visit a strategic partner and Pakistan a technical alley despite whatever way Washington may explain it. The notion of equal treatment hitherto held or a semblance of parity has evaporated. The March 3 Indo-US treaty has enhanced India's stature manifold by its acceptance as a de facto nuclear weapon state. It is because the US has a hidden agenda of containing China's growing power although Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh dismissed the idea of India playing any such role ever.

Corporate America does not have significant investment in Pakistan and consequently no interest in the country other than putting a lid on Islamic terrorism which threatens economic activity in an important Middle East region and South Asia. With this as background it should be easy to understand why president Bush took blatantly different positions in India and Pakistan during the visit.

Even if the Pakistanis are well aware of what stuff the US-Pakistan relations were so long made of -- sheer expediency -- the common feelings are those of being poorly compared to India. Pakistan which did so much to wage the anti-terror war on America's side was advised to 'do more' while India has been embraced into the US' strategic partnership providing it the potentials of making at least 40 bombs a year in addition to its stockpiling of approximately 100 bombs. But the sensible Pakistanis do admit -- even if grudgingly -- that India has already moved into a different league. It was already a much larger entity and now with its economy growing at over 8 per cent has become a magnet for global capital. The buying power of 300 million Indian middle class has become a strong attraction for multi-nationals seeking new avenues for investment.

Yet the nagging question remains as to how can Pakistan trust President Bush vis-a-vis the sensitive Kashmir dispute when the man himself is determined to sway the subcontinent's power equation in India's favour. The Indo-US nexus coupled with Israeli alacrity in the India's defence-oriented projects has been causing serious concern for the policy makers in Pakistan. The new power question in South Asia has indeed thrown a spanner in the ongoing peace process between the region's two arch-rivals. The growing Indian might naturally undermines Pakistan's prospect of bargaining a suitable negotiated solution to Kashmir issue. India is obviously at a vantage point from where it can dictate terms to Pakistan with regard to all outstanding disputes. The more assistance it gets from two giants in the area of military technology i.e. the US and Israel, the more difficult it becomes for Pakistan to achieve a decent and respectable breakthrough with regard to her problems with India. It is an irony that Pakistan, the US' major non-NATO ally, becomes the first victim of Indo-US matrimony.

As for Pakistan, it needs to review how much more room can it give to the US keeping in view its dubious track record in the past. Mr Bush apparently did not care much about the Pakistani concerns in marginalising its role in the region while advancing his South Asia diplomacy. Pakistanis bitterly observe that instead India was showered with blessing despite the fact that it did not 'serve' the US to the extent any where near to Pakistan's all out allegiance.

In the aftermath of Bush's visit the general feelings sweeping Pakistan are whether or not to continue with the US appeasing campaign which has high price tag domestically and internationally. It's a lose-lose situation for Pakistan till date. Even Karzai's Afghanistan bares its fangs at Pakistan, Iran remains suspicious of Pakistan's stand on its nuclear deadlock and even China is wary of Pakistan's complete faithfulness to the US. While these are a few international repercussions of Pakistan's unequivocal support to the Uncle Sam, at home there is a general perception that Pakistan is treated as a US colony where the citizens don't have the right to challenge their rulers -- let alone the question of challenging the masters of their rulers.

There are however few signs of things changing within Pakistan!

Brig ( retd) Hafiz is former DG of BIISS.