Survey respondents from 45 countries scored political parties on top in the list of corrupt entities for the second year in a row. As expected, some of the "millionaire ministers" of Bangladesh government which topped corrupt ranking for the fifth time in a row reacted with blistering attacks on the messenger instead of analyzing the message.

Awami League lawmakers' June 28 call for a discussion about the disclosure of assets by all politicians to uncover all-pervading political corruption is what a truly democratic parliament is expected to do. Interestingly, LGRD minister Abdul Mannan Bhuiyan's (AMB) admission that corruption is going on from "top to bottom" appeared openly audacious, ostensibly sincere and politically pragmatic.

The asset disclosure of the PM, ministers and lawmakers were one of the election pledges of the ruling BNP although it was before the allegations of "making millions" against them became widespread. If pressed hard through protests and hartals, they will succumb to the demand for asset disclosure but only after making their millions untraceable -- a move that would be tactically similar to their recent signs of slow and cautious movements towards a dialogue on reforming the CTG, the EC and election matters. This change of heart came only after they took time and completed politicisation of every election related government departments to command their loyalty for election victory.

Isn't an irony that AMB's "top" of the "top to bottom" person, the PM Khaleda Zia, while delivering her government's fables of accomplishments long gave a deaf ear and a cold shoulder to the opposition lawmakers' unflinching demand for asset disclosure and an open floor discourse on the recent TIB corruption reports. What is even more incongruous is AMB's 360 degree U-turn with his reaction against his ministry's topping the TIB 2005 corruption ranking. AMB even threatened legal recourse unless TIB retracts its report.

TIB must not blink and retract the report if its corruption data are backed by facts. If the TIB yields to pressure and intimidation it would diminish its credibility forever. TIB may not take AMB's vacuous threat seriously and should feel rewarded if he really carries through his bullying of retribution with court cases. The whole country would enjoy the court proceedings which, as a by product, will uncover the deep rooted empire of corruption network of the ruling cartel. When you pull the tail the head also comes along. AMB's threat simply manifest into: "If you cannot refute the message, attack the messenger."

Some of the "millionaire ministers" dubbed the TIB report as being 'politically motivated' and a conspiracy to tarnish the images of the government and the country as well. Haven't we heard these scripts of accusations of conspiracies with "terrorists' violence", Kansat killings for agitations against power shortage, the burning of garment factories, school teachers' strikes and so on? The ruling cartel and their high command find the reasons for everything that goes against them as being rooted in "foreign and domestic conspiracies."

Most citizens and "a few good people" of the likes of lawmakers Oli Ahmed and Sheikh Razzak Ali of BNP would agree that TIB's ranking reflects citizens' experience with the political and bureaucratic machineries of the government. The ruling cartel may attack the messenger but they cannot delete the stigma of successive years of their topping the corrupt government ranking.

The declaration of assets and liabilities is imperative to combating large-scale corruption. The purpose is to make the election process more transparent and accountable; the hope is that making candidates declare their financial assets and criminal record, if any, would help in reducing such undesirables as the influence of black money and criminality in politics.

Asset disclosure is an endemic problem in almost all developing countries. The manner in which financial assets has been declared in many countries reflect a dismal pattern and reveals some broad mockeries. For example, in a May 24 BBC News report Mubashir Zaidi wrote: "In Pakistan, politics is considered a rich man's job. Many MPs are either industrialists or agriculturists, and are widely seen as wealthy elite. Yet if the recently published list of their assets is to be believed, they are living a frugal and penniless life. More than 80 MPs on the list released by the Election Commission of Pakistan solemnly declare that they do not own a house, and 100 say they have no car."

In case of our neighbour India, the following observations are noteworthy:

-- Numerous candidates have declared moveable assets of merely a few lakhs, which were grossly out of proportion with their lifestyles. The legal limit on Lok Sabha election expenditure is Rs. 25 lakhs, a rule everyone breaks.

-- On the whole, the wives of candidates are wealthier than themselves. This corroborates the well-known fact that the financial assets of the politicians are wedged with members of their families.

-- Ironically, those joining politics from other professions -- particularly film stars -- have declared much higher assets. For example, Sunil Dutt disclosed his estimated assets at Rs. 20 crores and Govinda is not far behind. The politicians were less straight about their wealth and dubiously "preferred to embrace the image of the humble khadi-wearing neta."

-- There seems to be no uniform standard when it comes to assessing real estate properties. Luxury flats in Mumbai, prime farm houses outside Delhi and estates in the countryside have been hideously undervalued in many instances.

-- All in all, asset disclosure has raised more questions and provided fewer answers. Once nominations are accepted, the rules prohibit challenging asset declarations except by way of an election petition after the results are declared.

Would the millionaire politicians of Bangladesh do their asset disclosure any differently from those of their Indian and Pakistani counterparts? However, it makes good politics for the oppositions to discredit the ruling cartel further into a defensive posture of "no replies like that of the PM" by pushing for asset disclosure issue, which they have been hideously evading. But wouldn't it make far-sighted politics for the "few good people" among BNP lawmakers and all the opposition lawmakers in a pre-emptive move to publish their portfolio of assets and liabilities?

The country desperately needs a parliamentary committee of true patriots which would pursue the "millionaire ministers" all the way to the ACC and thus rescue the country from further defamation.

Dr. Abdullah A. Dewan is Professor of Economics at Eastern Michigan University.