Political assassinations, terrorism dimmed law and order
Shamim Ashraf
The nation has witnessed with awe a new and grave manifestation of terrorism, political assassinations and organised crimes as law and order figured supreme during the tenure of the BNP-led alliance government that totally failed to contain the aforementioned menace.The home ministry, however, earned notable success in curbing nagging petty crimes like non-political killings, mugging, burglary, small-scale extortion and cheating and fighting the outlaws. Besides, it earned credit by deploying mobile courts to check food adulteration and improving logistics of the law enforcing forces and other departments under its command. But the success has been greatly marred by alarming rise in Islamist extremism and militancy, a long queue of deaths in so-called crossfire, naked politicisation of the police administration, smuggling of huge quantity of arms and explosives, brutal political killings and bomb and grenade attacks, many of which are still unsolved. Several gruesome bomb attacks by Islamist militant outfits over the past few years tarnished Bangladesh's image as a moderate Muslim-majority country enjoying a communal harmony. A rapid rise in Islamic fundamentalism challenged the very roots of democracy and the rule of law with an express aim of establishing an Islamic rule. Although the government initially kept on denying the existence of Islamist militant groups, it had to admit the fact and banned some of the extremist groups. Top leaders of Jama'atul Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB), which banged to the fore by making countrywide bomb attacks last year, have been captured and seven including five JMB Majlish-e-Shura (top policymaking body) members have been awarded death penalty, but scores others are still at large. A section of people heaved a sigh of relief when immediate past state minister for home affairs Lutfozzaman Babar introduced the crime-busting Rapid Action Battalion (Rab) soon after takeover of the ministry that had come under severe criticism for its utter failure to sustain law and order. Two ministers with the portfolio of the home ministry were in media focus over the five years for both positive and controversial statements and moves. Babar has been leading the ministry since March 25, 2004 when the portfolio of his senior, Altaf Hossain Choudhury, was changed from home affairs to commerce following the biting flak for his failure in running the ministry. The launch of Rab operations on June 21, 2004 saw slight improvement in law and order, particularly in the petty crime scenes, but its reputation soon withered with the beginning of a series of extra-judicial killings that still continue. Besides, politicisation of police recruitment process and a recent desperate move to cut short the training terms of a few thousand police officials and constables to make sure they are in the field during the next general elections also put Babar's 'good name' in question. CHRONOLOGY OF EVENTS After taking office in October 2001, the BNP-led government made a number of police officers OSD (on special duty) and awarded punishment postings to many others, identifying them to have links with the then main opposition Awami League. Several of these OSD officers did not have any job to do in most of the last five years. The year 2002 saw a sharp rise in incidents of human rights violation, which encompassed all levels of life and surpassed in magnitude similar instances in the previous years. Misuse of such controversial legal provisions as Section 54 of the Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC) and Special Powers Act also rose. Human rights violation by the army, the paramilitary Bangladesh Rifles, and the police only added to the difficult situation in 2002. Arrest and torture during detention of several eminent leaders, journalists and columnists including Shahriar Kabir, Muntassir Mamoon, Saleem Samad, Pricilla Raj, Tofail Ahmed, Saber Hossain Chowdhury, Bahauddin Nasim without any specific charge drew strong flaks at home and abroad. Horror chilled the country when the army-led Operation Clean Heart began on October 15, 2002. Fifty-four people died during the controversial operation that ended on January 9 next year. The government indemnified the army from being tried for killings of the people and the victims' relatives were deprived of legal steps for the killings of their family members. Sabekun Nahar Sonny, a BUET student, was killed in crossfire during a shootout between two factions of Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal (JCD), student wing of BNP, on the university campus on June 2003. That year also saw killings of at least 19 people in powerful blasts in four cinemas in Mymensingh on December 7. Law and order slide worsened in 2003 despite sporadic government efforts to bridle crimes. Hardcore criminals remained beyond the reach of law despite the government initiatives for speedy trials by setting up tribunals, which handed down capital punishment to scores of convicts in murder cases in an unprecedented short span of time. Gunmen killed Khulna city Awami League president Monzurul Imam on August 25, while Chittagong business magnate and BNP leader Jamal Uddin Ahmed Chowdhury was abducted in the mid-2003. His remains were recovered on August 14 last year. The mystery still remains unsolved as to who smuggled in one lakh bullets of Chinese rifles and powerful explosives which were recovered from an abandoned truck and from a political activist's house in Kahalu of Bogra in June, and four AK47 rifles, two revolvers, 20 hand grenades, four time bombs, a huge quantity of ammunition of AK47 rifles and explosives which were found in Kuril Badda in Dhaka in November. Ten truckloads of arms and ammunition were seized in Chittagong on April 2, 2004. The cache included 690 7.62 millimetre (mm) SMG-T-56-1, 600 7.62mm SMG T-56-2, 400 9mm automatic carbine, 100 tommy automatic rifles and 150 40mm rocket launchers. But the case of the country's biggest ever arms haul is also still unsolved. The country witnessed an alarming escalation in human rights violations, especially with the introduction of law enforcement agency-sponsored murders in 2004. 'CROSSFIRE' The government introduced well-trained crime-busting forces of Rab, Cheetah and Cobra alongside police the same year, but hardly succeeded in improving the law and order. Their actions added a new semantic dimension to the word 'crossfire' -- an excuse to kill. The same old story of the victims' being caught and killed in crossfire during operations to recover illegal firearms at deserted places, mostly in the small hours, has turned into a cliché. As many as 317 people were killed in Rab actions until October 31. Another 389 people were also killed in 'crossfire' incidents during police operations since June 24, 2004, according to rights watchdog Odhikar. The home ministry turned but a deaf ear to the human rights organisations at home and abroad who, being alarmed and deeply worried at such a high frequency of extra-judicial killings, asked the government to stop it. Although top underworld kingpins like Pichchi Hannan, Killer Bhutto, Molla Shamim, Golakata Mojibar and Tokai Mizan, David, Jane Alam, Ahmudya, outlawed partisan BDR Altaf and prime accused of journalist Shamsur Rahman killing Asaduzzaman Litu were killed in 'crossfire', several innocent people including children fell victim to such actions. Following the deaths of a number of their leaders and activists in an anti-outlaw operation dubbed Spider Web and later in operations by Rab, BDR and police, underground communist parties tried to re-organise. But Rab killed their top political think-tank and founder of Purba Banglar Communist Party (PBCP-ML) Mofakkhar Hossain alias Mahamud Hasan in crossfire in Kushtia on December 17, 2004. ATTEMPT ON HASINA In a most harrowing grenade attack on an Awami League rally attended by party chief Sheikh Hasina in the capital on August 21, 2004, 23 people including senior AL leader Ivy Rahman were killed and 300 others were maimed. Although the government has so far failed to arrest the perpetrators or dig up the motives, a government judicial commission pinned the blame on a 'foreign enemy' without naming it. The Criminal Investigation Department (CID) of police attempted in vain to create sensation by arresting and producing one George Mia, who linked some top criminals with the attack in his judicial confession. The investigators are yet to submit the charge sheet in the case and the probe remains a stalled one. KILLING SPREE The northeastern city of Sylhet turned into a killing field as assassins bombed five people to death at Hazrat Shahjalal Shrine on January 12, 2004 and another grenade attack at the same place on May 21 the same year killed three people and injured British High Commissioner Anwar Choudhury. The law enforcers recently arrested four people in connection with the latter attack. Twin near-simultaneous bomb explosions in as many cinemas killed a street urchin on August 5, two days before a car bomb killed AL leader Mohammad Ibrahim on August 7, while another blast on September 5 killed two others in the divisional city. An arson attack on a double-decker bus at Shahbagh in the capital killed 10 people on June 4. Gunmen hired by Tongi Jubo Dal leader Nurul Islam assassinated AL lawmaker Ahsanullah Master at a public meeting on May 7 in Tongi. Khulna-based eminent journalist Manik Saha was bombed to death on January 15, 2004. Khulna Press Club president and Daily Janmabhumi editor Humayun Kabir Balu died in a similar attack on June 27. Noted linguist and writer Humayun Azad came under a deadly attack on Dhaka University campus on February 27. The Appellate Division of the Supreme Court on December 7 upheld a High Court verdict that had slapped a Tk-2,000 fine or one-month imprisonment on the then inspector general of police Shahudul Haque for contempt of court. On January 27 last year, terrorists killed five people including former finance minister and AL lawmaker Shah AMS Kibria, hurling grenades at a meeting in Habiganj. Investigators have submitted the charge sheets in two cases file in this connection, but there is controversy over their reports. The most appalling development in 2005 was the official manifestation of the JMB through the August 17 countrywide bomb blasts and the deadly suicide bomb attacks that followed. POLITICISATION OF POLICE After curtailing the basic training programme at Sardah Police Academy in 2005, the government has placed 821 sub-inspectors (SI) at different police stations, ignoring their required field level training for one and a half years to ensure their election duty. Breaking the police regulation, the government has exempted the SIs of training at the circle offices for three months, courts for six months and at the police lines for three months, and directly posted them at the police stations across the country. Forced retirement, contractual appointment, promotion and posting on political grounds in the last four years seem to have demoralised the police administration. RISE OF MILITANCY Infamous militant group of Siddiqul Islam alias Bangla Bhai openly launched a killing mission in Rajshahi region under a self-styled vigilance operation against communist outlaws in 2004, a year after it had spread its terrorist wings in Rajshahi, Chapainawabganj, Naogaon and Natore. Despite media reports with pictures of people killed and hanged from trees by the militant outfit, Babar, like other top government office-bearers, denied Bangla Bhai's existence. The media, by probing JMJB operations, drew only anger from the ruling four-party alliance that termed the militant operations commander a media-created 'myth' and 'detected' a plot in it to tarnish the country's image. However, the government finally banned the Jagrata Muslim Janata, Bangladesh (JMJB) and its associate JMB on February 23 last year in face of a mounting pressure from the international community and rights organisations. Earlier in 2004, the government in first ever such steps banned Islamist outfit Shahadat-al Hiqma, which was active in Rajshahi. An orchestrated JMB bomb attack on 63 out of the 64 district headquarters on August 17 that killed three people traumatised the country. Thirty people including two judges were killed and many others injured later in JMB's suicide bomb attacks in Jhalakathi, Chandpur, Chittagong, Gazipur, Laxmipur, Brahmanbaria, Sylhet and Satkhira. However, the law enforcers managed to capture militant don Abdur Rahman at a Sylhet house on March 2 and Bangla Bhai in Mymensingh four days later. Other Shura Members -- Ataur Rahman Sunny, who is also the military commander, Abdul Awal, Khaled Saifullah, Hafez Mahmud and Salahuddin -- were also netted and were charged for the bomb attacks. After the trial court awarded death penalty to seven including Rahman, Bangla Bhai, Sunny, Awal, Khaled and suicide bomber Iftekhar al Mamun, the High Court on August 31 confirmed the death penalty. But the execution was postponed as the convicts appealed against the verdict. Meantime, law enforcers also captured Mufti Abdul Hannan, operations commander of Harkatul Jihad (HuJi), on October 1 last year at Badda in the capital and banned HuJi 16 days later, terming it an identified terrorist organisation and its activities sensitive. After his arrest, the militant kingpin admitted to planting a 76-kg bomb at a meeting venue of the then prime minister Sheikh Hasina in Kotalipara on July 20, 2000 in an attempt to kill her. PERSECUTION OF AHMADIYYA Islamist extremists who redoubled their anti-Ahmadiyya move in November 2003 forced the government to ban Ahmadiyya publications on January 8, continued hate campaigns against the sect across the country, attacked their places of worships and houses and excommunicated the community members. Encouraged apparently by the publication ban, the zealots allegedly patronised by Jamaat-e-Islami and Islami Oikya Jote continued with the persecution of the Ahmadiyyas. Different rights organisations and the civil society at home and abroad urged the government time and again to rescind the ban on the publications and to take action against the religious bigots in vain. MOBILE COURTS Consumers in general hailed Babar's step that saw formation of mobile courts, which started operation on October 2 last year, to detect and curb food adulteration as well as sub-standard or unhygienic food processing. Initially, two mobile courts took to the streets in Dhaka on June 16 in 2005 after The Daily Star ran a report on spraying of chemicals on fruits to artificially ripen them. As people and the media hailed the mobile court activities and started cooperating with them, the ministry increased their numbers. LOGISTIC PERK, SPL CELLS, HIGHWAY COPS Babar allotted funds for modernisation and increasing logistic facilities of all its forces and departments. Those are (1) Bangladesh Police, Rab, Special Branch and CID; (2) Bangladesh Rifles; (3) Ansar and Village Defence Party (VDP); (4) Department of Narcotics Control; (5) Prisons; (6) Metropolitan Magistracy; (7) Fire Service and Civil Defence; (8) Department of Immigration and Passport; and (9) Bangladesh Coast Guard. The law enforcers, who had been using age-old firearms and equipment for a long time, now are well equipped. To cope with the rising crimes in the capital, Babar also hyped up the logistic facilities of Dhaka Metropolitan Police and raised the number of police stations in the capital. The ministry has also formed a 2,000-strong Highway Police to clamp down on rampant highway robbery and mugging.
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