The country's major political forces, sans the BNP-Jamaat alliance, had always been sceptical that a caretaker government headed by a partisan president could conduct a free and fair election. Yet they were roped in for participation in the election by the dangling carrots in front of them.

The baffled lot of political parties, befuddled at the dramatic developments following the previous government's end of term, willy-nilly accepted an arrangement in which President Iazuddin unabashedly and arbitrarily grabbed the post of the chief executive of the interim government, in violation of constitutional provisions. But the shady circumstances leading to the president's filling in the slot made him suspect with regard to a free and fair election right from the beginning.

However, the public wanted to trust the octogenarian teacher whose conscience, they thought, would be stirred as referee in the electoral game.

During the last ten weeks, to everybody's disappointment, there were few signs that it would. All this time he, like a deaf and dumb demon on Sindbad's shoulder, dutifully complied with the dictates of his employer only. In fact, his has been an extended government of the four party alliance, whose purpose has been loyally serving. Whether it was regarding the election commission, the administration or even the judiciary, he apparently upheld the BNP-Jamaat view points and interests.

It seems that he has also been testing the elastic limit of the opponents' -- particularly the AL's -- endurance, which, however, kept stretching. So much so that at one point it decided to join the electoral fray just on the caretaker government's rosy promises in a package of proposals to reform the election commission, rearrange the election-related administrative set-up as well as to update and correct a fraudulent electoral roll. The way the AL jumped at the package without prior scrutiny increased the guile of its authors.

Once the AL and its associates took the bait Professor Iajuddin relaxed, and his government went into slumber after some perfunctory changes here and there, the effects of which made the situation worse than it was before. They ostensibly resorted to subterfuge, thus taking away vital time from the opponents on the eve of the election.

In the meantime the BNP-Jamaat alliance, now free from the answerability of incumbency, had a field day and came in real earnest to rule the roost. Inevitably, a breaking point came for the AL, which then stood in a cul-de-sac.

At long last it was convinced that no meaningful election reflecting the people's wishes could be held under the present set-up, with its strings being held by the previous government acting from behind the scene. Therefore, the AL, or grand alliance, wasn't left with any option other than withdrawing. It may be a long, tortuous path but the stakes are high.

It is still unclear as to how things will move onward now. Speculations abound about the future course of action by the caretaker government -- the proxy government of the BNP-Jamaat -- which is bent upon staying the course and carrying through its game plan without any vacillation. Or will it revive or restart the process of the realisation of the package proposals to placate the anxiety of the grand alliance and make it participate in the election? No such indication is there.

What is, however, visible on the surface has indeed been ominous. There is a clear prospect of a farcical election on the date, and the BNP-Jamaat alliance are proceeding towards that goal with the tacit acquiescence of Professor Iajuddin who has not as yet taken any political initiative to defuse the crisis.

The trio (Election Commission, the caretaker government and four party alliance) seems to be ruling out any fresh political understanding or the rescheduling of the election date, and is not yielding anymore, either on electoral reforms proposal or the package proposals.

Instead, the president, with his warped mindset, is contemplating a hard line vis-à-vis AL's resolve to thwart the election, and planning a military cover to hold an election of sorts, even without the participation of major political outfits, only to salvage his discredited party and catapult it to power.

It may, however, be a sad replay of the February 1996 election. But Professor Iajuddin couldn't care less, although a fake election will lead to a protracted turmoil portending a period of fresh uncertainty. The BNP-Jamaat axis, living in its make-believe world, fondly hopes that, unlike 1996, it can sustain its illegitimate election this time round by crafting appropriate safeguards.

Yet, the whole issue is quintessentially political and is capable of being resolved through political process, and not by using force against the opponent. But Professor Iajuddin seems reluctant to undertake any project or political initiative that would have to dismantle the already created election mechanism. Consequently, he will continue to stoke the smouldering fire of public discontent. Unless some conscious effort is made by the authority to extinguish that fire it is bound to snowball into a prairie fire.

Brig ( retd) Hafiz is former DG of BIISS.