The practice of installing a non-party caretaker government for organizing a free, fair and credible parliamentary election was introduced in Bangladesh in 1991. Basically, the spirit behind the introduction of the system was to form a purely non-partisan government so that a really level playing field could be prepared, and a congenial and conducive atmosphere created for holding a free, fair and credible election which would be acceptable at home and abroad

The pattern of bureaucratic and military rule that became firmly established in Pakistan influenced the trend of politics in Bangladesh, which was a part of Pakistan until the country's independence in 1971. The military leaders, after proclaiming Martial Law in the country, time and again portrayed themselves as saviours of the nation in times of "peril," and were supported in this by a section of the bureaucracy and some political leaders. The absence of frequent elections, and the recurrence of fraudulent elections, alienated the people from the democratic political process. Martial law was in force in the country for more than a decade, and authoritarian rule continued until 1990.

During the rule of military leaders from 1975 to 1990 a number of abusive and fraudulent elections were held where people did not have the right to choose their rulers/ government, and "vote piracy," "vote hijacking" and "media coups" (media manipulation of election results) became part of the country's election culture. As a result of this, the new experiment of installing a non-party caretaker government, headed by the immediate past chief justice of the Supreme Court, was introduced unanimously by the leaders of all political parties in 1991 in order to conduct a generally acceptable free, fair and credible parliamentary election.

Thus the idea of installing a really neutral government was thought of to enable all political parties and candidates contesting the election to campaign freely and equitably, and to ensure that the deficiencies identified in the areas of election related affairs, including preparation of a proper electoral roll, were properly and effectively addressed and the required changes made immediately.

Interestingly the present caretaker government led by Prof Iajuddin Ahmed has, by this time, proved to be a completely different one from the previous caretaker governments. From the very first day of his assuming the office of the chief advisor to the caretaker government, in addition to his presidential office, violating the constitutional provisions, Prof Iajuddin's politically motivated and BNP-Jamat-alliance-oriented actions have been giving a clear-cut signal of his political bias, although he is supposed to be non-political..

Prof Iajuddin, while addressing the secretaries to the government, suddenly made an immature political statement creating a lot of stir in the political circle as well as the civil society. He told the secretaries that the present form of government had become a "presidential form of government," and underscored his supreme authority over the state and government affairs saying that any unwarranted remarks about his personal assistants were tantamount to interference in the affairs of the state. This was, in fact, violation of his oath as the chief advisor to the caretaker government, and the remark was unconstitutional.

He has adopted the policy of going alone, in violation of the constitutional dictum to exercise his executive power in accordance with the advice of the caretaker government. Thus he has, so far, made it crystal clear that he has been more sincere in following as well as implementing the dictation and advice of the BNP-Jamat alliance, rather than acting as per the decisions and advice of his council of advisors, totally ignoring his supposed to be neutral identity.

Major administrative changes involving the officials directly linked with the election process, starting from secretary to the government down to upazila nirbahi officers and upazila election officials, normally take place with the assumption of office by the non-party caretaker government. Surprisingly, Prof Iajuddin claims to have made a lot of changes, but has kept some key posts like the attorney general, and other politically appointed law officers of his office, DG, NSI, DG, FI, key office holders of chief advisor's office (former PMO) and the president's secretariat undisturbed. According to newspaper reports the administrative changes he has made so far have been done only after receiving clearance from a particular "Bhaban," thereby expressing his full loyalty and allegiance to his party, rather than to his own conscience and his position .

Prof Iajuddin, as the chief advisor of the caretaker government, has so far taken all the major decisions of the government unilaterally, without consulting or discussing with his advisors. The Election Commission, on November 27, announced the schedule of the next parliamentary election in consultation with the chief advisor. Most of the advisors of the caretaker government expressed surprise over the announcement, and said that they had not been informed about it. In fact, Prof Iajuddin asked the election commission to announce the election schedule hastily to meet the demand of BNP Chairperson Begum Khaleda Zia, although the advisors were of the view that the controversy surrounding the election schedule could have been avoided if it had been discussed with the political parties and had not been arranged in such a way.

When the country's political crisis took a worsening turn, a team of caretaker advisors took an initiative to resolve the crisis after discussions with the two major political alliances. They were able to frame a package proposal in an effort to bring both the alliances to the election game. The package proposal, among others, included recasting of the election commission by sending the controversial election commissioners -- SM Zakaria and Modabbir Hossain Chowdhury -- on leave while appointing two new commissioners, one of whom would take charge of the election commission. The package was agreed upon by all the parties, including the Chief Advisor Prof. Iajuddin Ahmed, and there was a real light of hope for a participatory election.

But, suddenly and surprisingly the chief advisor became reluctant to fully implement the package proposal, possibly because of a negative indication from the BNP-Jamat alliance. The advisors had to remain silent, and it was quite embarrassing for them. Prof Iajuddin's partisan colour once again figured prominently, and with that the hope for a participatory election got a real set-back.

The issue of deployment of the army became a subject for discussion even before the caretaker government took office in the fag end of October last year. Prof Iajuddin, during his more than two months stay as chief advisor, has taken such army deployment decision several times, making it a controversial issue. Finally, on December 9, the chief advisor, disregarding strong objections from all the members of his advisory council, ordered army deployment in aid of the civil administration to maintain law and order much ahead of the general election, which was highly welcomed by BNP Chairperson Begum Khaleda Zia. However, this decision by Prof Iajuddin Ahmed in fulfilling the desire of his party, and with total disregard for the request by his advisors, for deployment of army so early (44 days before the election) expedited the resignation of four members of the advisory council -- Akbar Ali Khan, CM Shafi Sami, Hasan Mashud Chowdhury, and Sultana Kamal.

Finally, the appointment of two new election commissioners -- former IGP Modabbir Hossain Chowdhury who aspired to be a BNP candidate for the next election and Saiful Islam a judge of lower judiciary -- without discussion with his council of advisors and political parties has made it abundantly clear that Prof Iajuddin has miserably failed to maintain his neutrality even in selecting non-controversial persons for holding important posts in such a critical moment of our national life.

Therefore, since Prof Iajuddin as the chief advisor of caretaker government has played the main role in creating this political impasse because of his political bias, there is now only one way to resolve this crisis.

In order to create a congenial atmosphere, including making a proper voter list to enable each and every eligible citizen of the country to exercise the right to vote in a participatory election, the president should also immediately refer the matter to the Supreme Court for its opinion or interpretation about the 90 days time limit for completing the process of election, giving the Supreme Court a time limit.

Once the opinion of the Supreme Court is available, the president should immediately hand-over the office of the chief advisor to an eligible person, as per the constitutional provision, for organizing a free fair and credible election.

Zahid Hossain is a political analyst.