If there is a case for invoking the doctrine of necessity in constitutional matters, this was a case par- excellence. There is debate about the legal basis of the new CTG, its tenure, and whether its mission should be strictly limited to facilitating the holding of the general election.

The fact that a new CTG had to come into being means that the normal rules could not apply to it. And the nation cannot return to square one with the CTG merely presiding over a general election.

Steering the nation to a credible general election and handing over the administration to an elected government in the shortest possible time is the stated mission of the new CTG, as it was of the first one.

That the first CTG failed, and that the new one has to remove the causes and the obstacles that led to this failure, indicate the scope and complexity of the tasks the new CTG faces in fulfilling its ostensibly simple mission.

Everything that could go wrong, with the preparation for the election and for ensuring the basic conditions for holding a fair election for the ninth Jatiyo Shangshad set for January 22, went wrong -- be it the voter list, the recruitment of Election Commission personnel, or announcement of election schedule according to rules.

The screening of candidates for the cancelled election already showed blatant disregard for rules such as scrutiny of criminal records, status regarding loan default, and disclosure of income and assets. It was evident that the rules regarding election expenses were not going to be given much attention by the Election Commission, and that "muscle and money" would decide the election's outcome.

This situation, of course, did not arise suddenly after the 8th parliament was dissolved on October 27 and the first CTG took over. This was in the making for a long time. In fact, it had been a slippery slope for democratic institutions and culture since democracy was restored in 1991.

The constitutional amendment to introduce the CTG provision was an attempt to address the failure of the political parties to practice democratic norms. It worked to a degree for a while, between 1991 and 2001.

But the penchant of the incumbents in power to grab power and wealth, and to control the election process and outcome, went too far. It overwhelmed the CTG provision, which could function only with minimal regard for the rules of the game by the political parties and the government leaders.

The Augean stable cannot be cleaned out during the life-time of an interim CTG, even if its tenure extends considerably beyond the 90 days allowed to a "normal" CTG. The public, in desperation, pins its hope on the CTG to rescue the nation from the stranglehold of corruption, abuse of power, gross incompetence and flagrant flouting of the rule of law and norms of public service.

Unfortunately, a CTG, however well-intentioned, cannot save the nation from the conundrum created by the weaknesses of the political institutions and culture. The lessons of history suggest that an unelected government should not harbour such a vision. At the same time, the second CTG cannot but take the basic steps to establish the conditions for democratic processes to function, a key element of which is to allow citizens to elect their representatives freely and fairly.

A part of this mission has to be to set in motion a process for restoring the credibility of the essential paraphernalia of democracy -- the civil service, the law enforcement system, the system of justice and the basic public services in health and education.

The chief adviser, Dr. Fakhruddin Ahmed, in his maiden address to the nation on January 21, spelled out eloquently the tasks before the CTG. He underscored the need to take measures to ensure the holding of a free and fair election, which would include a drive against corruption and ensuring the participation of honest and competent candidates. The Centre for Policy Dialogue, the civil society think tank, has proposed a 12 point agenda for fair election which merits consideration to achieve the goal set by the chief adviser.

Recognising the importance of creating a conducive environment for the election, and for addressing critical concerns of the public, the chief adviser spoke about ensuring neutral conduct of public servants, taking steps to deal with the power sector emergency, combating price spiral of essentials, fighting corruption, and promoting independence of the judiciary. Public reaction to this agenda has been overwhelmingly positive.

In the same spirit of restoring the norms of operation of public services, the CTG needs to set its agenda for action in the education sector, the largest area of public service, both in its reach and budgetary provisions. This is the sector that has the most far-reaching consequences for building a democratic and prosperous nation. The education sector also has fallen in the grip of rampant corruption, poor management and lack of strategic direction. As in the other areas of state functions, it is essential, and quite possible, to identify and take steps to reverse the decay in the education sector.

The chief adviser echoed the voice of the overwhelming majority, when he said in his speech: "The nation does not want to backslide once again and fall back into past instability and intolerable situation."

The CTG must be given the time and the support it needs. A quick election that takes the nation back to square one of the prevailing political culture will not serve the people of Bangladesh, or the goal of building democracy.

Dr Manzoor Ahmed is Director of the Institute of Educational Development at BRAC University.