The question that however continues to dominate any discussion on SAARC centres on whether this institution has any particular relevance for the nearly 1.5 billion people who inhabit the eight member countries. Many have also expressed doubts as to whether sufficient political will exists within the South Asian leadership to make it work.

Others have pointed out that the 'polite' SAARC process is essentially flawed as contentious issues are neither discussed nor addressed. Some have even queried if there is at all any common South Asian ethos that all the member countries can identify themselves with. In this context, they point out the contrasts and contradictions that make up South Asia. A few have also cynically observed that there are only two least common denominators within the South Asian equation -- mutual suspicion and the scourge of poverty that affects nearly 600 million people (living on less than US dollar one a day).

Some have characterised the existing scenario as being based on a minimum spirit of unity with very little middle ground. In fact, several civil society representatives from Bangladesh have gone to the extent of describing the SAARC process as a failure.

Their disappointment has been evoked because of perceived failures on the part of SAARC in alleviating existing deficiencies in the socio-economic sectors.

In this context, they have critically referred to several SAARC declarations, resolutions and assertions and complained that success has eluded the Association for many years. They have particularly identified failures with regard to removing poverty, achieving universal literacy and stopping trafficking of women and children. There is general consensus among them that there has been, over the last two decades, only superficial progress and very little in terms of substance. It is now being claimed by some of them that if the current rate of development continues, and SAARC does not initiate a more pro-active constructive engagement, then eradicating poverty in South Asia would not be possible before 2062.

Bangladeshi civil society representatives consider the current pace of progress in combating infant mortality, providing assess to universal primary education, clean water and better sanitation as being less than satisfactory. They want this dynamics to be revved up. They, in their own manner, are also complaining that a large part of the blame rests with the member governments who do not take their respective civil societies seriously. There is also criticism that there is very little transparency in the manner in which the Agendas are fixed for the different SAARC meetings. This, according to civil society representatives, reduces the potential of accountability.

The SAARC process from day one has had its fair share of cynics and skeptics. They have been harsh about the lack of tangible progress. They have, in this regard, blamed it on conflict of interests and the undefined nature of strategic areas -- ranging from Kashmir to unresolved problems like border demarcation, identification of maritime boundaries (particularly pertinent for off-shore prospecting of hydro-carbons), lack of equitable water sharing and para-tariff and non-tariff barriers creating distortions in intra-SAARC trade.

I agree with such expressions of concern. However, I am not a pessimist and continue to have faith about the intrinsic potential of this association. I believe that it is a body that can play an effective role in South Asia. It, by itself, is a confidence building measure that can promote regional integration.

However, what is required is a serious examination of both the process as well as the political indicators. If we can undertake a dispassionate and objective evaluation of what has evolved in the last two decades since the inception of SAARC, we may be able to move forward. There are many areas where progress can be achieved on a regional basis. What we require is more flexibility, greater political will and less public posturing.

On more than one occasion, we have heard South Asian leaders talk about a common vision that can lift the people out of their poverty and provide them with a higher, more satisfactory standard of living. The time to start is now.

In this context, it is strongly suggested that the following measures be given serious thought by the policy planners associated with SAARC and the coming SAARC Summit. They include:

(a) A more transparent engagement with civil society representatives presently involved with good governance, democratic institutions and in the promotion of better education, gender empowerment, water management, a more balanced trade structure and a safer environment. Their views should be considered and reflected in the Declaration issued at the conclusion of each Summit. There could also be a parallel Track-2 Civil Society Summit in the same city which is hosting the Summit Conference being attended by the Heads of Government;

(b) Helping to create conditions that will encourage more people-to-people interaction;

(c) Identifying relevant institutions in South Asia that need capacity building and then providing these institutions with necessary technological support and financial resources;

(d) Establishing national committees in each SAARC member state to identify areas of common interest and also prioritising objectives related to mutual interests aimed at removing social and economic inequities;

(e) Attaching greater importance on agreeing on measures that will help stop marginalisation and discrimination of ethnic minorities living in different parts of South Asia;

(f) Initiating necessary steps that will eventually lead to the formation of a SAARC Parliament and a South Asian University. These Institutions will positively contribute towards the generation of a South Asian ethos;

(g) Constituting a special committee of South Asian scientists for identifying areas of strength and weakness within member states -- with particular reference to Information Technology, Nano-technology, Biotechnology and the Pharmaceutical Industry. Subsequently, this Committee may agree on steps to remedy weakness through the sharing of the common knowledge pool;

(h) Taking suitable steps towards the removing of trade imbalances, diversifying opportunities and making SAFTA more functional;

(i) Making the SAARC Development Fund accessible for all the stake-holders;

(j) Rising above narrow national interests and evolving a broad South Asian strategic interest structure that will help to create a South Asian approach towards a future regional power grid, better regional water resource management and communication networking system. These factors are essential for eventual poverty reduction and increase of employment opportunities; and

(k) Strengthening the infrastructure of the almost non-existent, resources-starved SAARC Secretariat so that it can play a meaningful role and be able to coordinate all the required SAARC activities.

We have to remember that there are responsibilities associated with being a South Asian. This will require political leaderships in the different members states, rising above domestic compulsions and mutual suspicion. We have to be able to see the bigger picture. A vibrant South Asia will entail that leaders, planners and decision-makers discover the latent forest rather than being bogged down over arguments on individual trees. SAARC requires the vision of political statesmen, not the confined halter approach of bureaucrats.

Muhammad Zamir is a former Secretary and Ambassador who can be reached at mzamir@dhaka.net