Committed to PEOPLE'S RIGHT TO KNOW
Vol. 5 Num 1046 Sat. May 12, 2007  
   
Editorial


Post Breakfast
Restoring policing as an institution


I have never been a member of the police force. I have however watched the functioning of this important arm of governance with great care over the last four decades. Having been a bureaucrat for nearly 35 years, I have considered the responsibilities endowed on them to be most significant for the maintenance of security within the state mechanism.

We, as ordinary citizens expect many things from our police. Like the armed forces, it is also an integral pillar within the infrastructure of our country. They ensure that the matrix of governance is upheld and that citizens are assured maintenance of law and order without fear or favour. Their effective role is essential for a functioning and accountable democracy.

The recent past has however seen our police force being subjected to various detracting factors. Their ability to function in the expected optimum manner was curbed not only due to abuse of political will but also misuse of the political process. This was revealed very clearly in a recent baseline survey which measured people's perception about our police and the manner in which they carried out their policing function. The survey was carried out between May and December 2006.

The survey, it was reported in the press, was conducted by the UNDP within 11 thanas in seven districts. It was based on interviews of nearly 6,000 persons. The survey personnel also met top-level police officers both in the field and at the police headquarters.

Consistent with claims made by Transparency International Bangladesh and also the print media, 78 per cent of the people interviewed said that the police took bribes from all sources and most of the time. 71 per cent also responded that the police were of no help when required for the solution of citizen's problems or in 'apprehending criminals.'

These were disturbing references.

In addition, many respondents from rural areas also indicated another disappointing feature. They claimed that the police were quite often involved in anti-social activities. For obvious reasons, I found such an indicator to be a serious factor in the context of rural governance. It raised questions about whether our current police administration was capable enough to tackle the latent problems that exist in the villages due to the residual effects of feudalism, poverty, illiteracy and absence of gender empowerment.

This survey also identified certain elements that influence police behaviour - - nexus between criminals and politicians (who provide hoodlums with indirect cover), local pressure groups, fear of being directly implicated in cases and professional bodies (particularly lawyers and trade union leaders).

It is good that such a survey has been undertaken. Any reform of the police force and its administration require such a wide-ranging inquiry. It will help the corrective reforms process needed to restore health to a branch of the government that is seriously indisposed.

The police force and the law enforcement agencies can make all the difference in our state of governance. They are the deterrent element in the equation that can guarantee transparency and lack of corruption.

We understand that the Home Ministry and the Police Administration are currently implementing the Police Reform Programme of the UNDP, of which the above survey was a part. Efforts are apparently also underway to enhance the capacity of the Bangladesh Police and key stakeholders. It seems that an attempt is being made to put in place a mechanism that will create a 'collaborative' arrangement so that it can contribute towards a safer and more secure environment based on respect for certain fundamental principles. This paradigm is expected to include respect for human rights, equitable access to justice and rule of law consistent with a multi-party democracy.

I must admit that this constructive focus is important given the serious erosion of values that has emerged within the police force during the last two years. It is difficult to forget the unsavoury police actions that took place within the Chittagong Stadium during the cricket match between Australia and Bangladesh, or in the fields of Kansat or in Phulbari or on the streets of Dhaka. Watching the police in action in the electronic media reminded me of the manner in which the police force behaved during the colonial times. It brought back memories of South Africa during the period of apartheid. It was relentless brutality, totally unacceptable in an independent, democratic state. It was shameful in the manner in which brutal arrogance had replaced the hands of cooperation and responsive care.

In more ways than one, the law enforcing agents appeared to have forgotten that they were public servants accountable for their actions. It has since been suggested that this attitude had been due to external interference and politicisation within the police hierarchy and the temptation of irregular promotions.

I have grown some faith in the ability of this interim government being able to accomplish reforms. We have already seen this happening within the Election Commission and the Anti Corruption Commission. One can only hope that the foreseeable future will also see necessary steps being implemented not only in cleansing the police hierarchy of politicisation but also of its corrupt elements.

We have at large, recognised the good intent shown in the last few weeks with regard to fighting graft. We have seen several police officers being hauled up on charges of taking bribe. This has indeed been refreshing. It will improve our image. Such action will be like sign posts for others in our extended bureaucracy, particularly in the utilities sectors. It will persuade them not to be corrupt or be embroiled in corruption because of political pressures. Being accessory before the fact or after the fact are both equally reprehensible.

This war against corruption within the police force will however be successful only if, on a parallel track, appropriate efforts are also made to address the issue of salaries and privileges within the police force at all levels. Their pay structure must be made reasonably consistent with the powers and responsibilities associated with each post. This will provide the necessary dignity, sense of confidence and discipline to rise over temptation that we associate with our armed forces.

Another area that will have to be carefully monitored is the basic question of personnel management. This should include corruption free procedures with regard to recruitment and training. There must also be a fast track promotion prospect for those in the police force who have demonstrated their efficiency, commitment and have helped in the unearthing of criminals. The success of such individuals must be recognised in the electronic and print media so that others can try to emulate their courses of action. There should, in addition to medals, also be financial rewards. If the contrary happens, then, there should also be public naming and shaming.

There could also be web pages opened in each police station (to be maintained by the Ministry of Home Affairs), where citizens living within that geographical locality, can freely report about the activities of the police force and their effectiveness in that unit. In cases of gross dereliction of duty, or palpable abuse of human rights or refusal to pursue criminals or blatant corruption, inquiry could then be initiated against the charged individual or the wayward police official by the police authorities after legal inquiry. If, however, the charges are found to be motivated and not based on actual fact, after inquiry, the person making the charges could also be punished according to law. This is a drastic proposal but will help to restore accountability within the process.

Zero tolerance in fighting crime should not only be spoken of but also implemented. It might, in this regard, be also useful for the relevant authorities to consider establishing a 'Neighbourhood Watch' interconnective system, as it exists in Europe, in North America and in Japan. These units can help the police and will also reduce petty crime. It will also act as a deterrent against suspicious activities associated with terrorism and aid the maintenance of law and order within small community units.

We must also try to identify ways and means as to how a sense of esteem can grow within our society for policemen. The police force must also try to, through training and self-introspection, understand that they are public servants, paid for by the common taxpayer, who expect impartial cooperation rather than arrogance from their law enforcement personnel. The civil society can particularly help in this regard.

In South Asia, both Pakistan and India have started positive reforms in policing activities. It has begun to pay dividends. We should do the same. We need to take all necessary steps in this direction.

Muhammad Zamir is a former Secretary and Ambassador who can be reached at mzamir@dhaka.net