Since then, many politicians have questioned the creation of such an interregnum space. They have pointed out that this process has been contrary to the usual British tradition where such a change takes place within a shorter time frame. The Conservative Party, currently ahead in the opinion polls in Britain has also alleged that the consequence has been a period of paralysis.

Brown, since his nomination has been trying to discover least common denominators so that he can move fast forward on his stated strategic priorities -- reforms within the education and national Health service sectors. Such a course is being seen as consistent with Brown's statement that he intends to carry on ' a different type of politics -- a more open and honest dialogue, frank about problems, candid about dilemmas, never losing touch with the concerns of the people'. He has also promised to draft a constitutional reform bill later this year aimed at 'renewing our Constitution' -- a step which will be carefully followed by jurists.

Gordon Brown is taking over the leadership of his party at a critical time. Blair's presidential attitude towards governance and unilateral decision making that led to Britain's current misadventure in Iraq has affected voter's appeal for the Labour party. There has been a steady growth in feelings that under ten years of Labour rule, a situation has developed where the 'political system does not listen and does not care'. Views of disappointment have also been expressed among the younger generation of the Labour faithfuls that they feel powerless and that 'Westminster is a distant place and politics all too often a spectator sport'. Brown hopes to combat such erosion of support for his party by regaining 'trust' not just in foreign policy but also on issues associated with education, hospitals and public services. These efforts are aimed at softening his public image even as he deplores spin, shiftiness and other Blair-ish foibles.

What Brown will be looking for is a different type of politics where the political leadership will be more honest and open, candid and in touch. He will also expect in turn that the Labour MPs will be 'listening and learning'. Such a course of action will be a bold gambit. If it fails, the Labour party will be history in the next British general election due in 2009.

In the meantime, Tony Blair has been doing his final round of appearances like a retiring rock star. This has included meetings with new French President Sarkozy and his old ally President Bush. His visit to Washington was ostensibly aimed at winning over Bush on the pending issues pertaining to climate change and trade negotiations. There were broad smiles from the two leaders and mutual backslapping but nothing very substantive or concrete on either climate change or trade. Nothing significant also emerged with regard to the deteriorating situation in Palestine.

Tony Blair might have ended his career in controversy but he will still be remembered for his defining role during the Kosovo crisis, earlier on in his Prime Ministerial Office. Many will also recall with gratitude his influential contribution towards a fitting farewell for the people's princess -- Diana.

It is almost certain that Blair will follow others into the lucrative lecture circuit, but one hopes that he will continue with his laudable interest in the creation of a sustainable environment and in the combating of factors that are contributing towards climate change and variability.

Brown, in all likelihood will have a short honeymoon. In more ways than one, it will be like a second marriage and this time round the frills will be missing. He will have to contend with many serious issues from that start. Mr. Brown's team has a few good ideas. The question is whether he can accomplish them within the short time left in the Parliament. He apparently believes in devolution and means to let go. He has also strongly reiterated the importance of human rights. He has most importantly also identified the evil of 'inequality' in income and economic opportunities and the need to address these issues with greater seriousness.

The new prime Minister will have to build for himself an image of a man of destiny within a short span of time. He has been a politician in the public eye for the last ten years, but has not been the public face for that period. Unfortunately this anomaly will continue during the forthcoming G-8 Summit (plus 5, also including China and India) and the European Summit where the light will continue to shine on the departing Mr. Tony Blair.

Mr. Brown will be greatly involved in domestic issues but he will also have to focus sooner than later on serious foreign policy problems. The rising unhappiness with the electorate regarding Iraq (brought into sharper focus over the recent decision by the British Ministry of Defence not to send young Prince Harry along with his soldiers to that country), the re-emergence of the question of an EU constitution, the nature of his relationship with Washington, the continuing conflict in Afghanistan, the difficulty of a potential nuclear Iran and his own ambitions for aid and debt relief for Africa will all have to be addressed.

To these will also be added the dilemma of dealing with an increasingly resurgent Russia. The recently concluded EU-Russia Summit held at Volzhsky Utyos did not reflect a meeting of minds. It was dominated by EU concerns over the direction that Russia is taking and an uncompromising rejection by President Putin of any criticism of his actions. A few yeas ago this situation might not have required the attention of the British Prime Minister. Now, such concerns could find their way into Brown's agenda that like others in the EU stresses on the importance of democracy, freedom of the press, association and demonstrations.

Today it is increasingly understood in London that Britain needs Europe just as much as the continent needs her. Nevertheless, there is agreement in Brown's term that effective cooperation with European partners and its institutions will require a new economic focus on job creation, single market reform and a radical overhaul of the EU budget.

Brown is expected to tread with care in his dealings with the USA. On the basis of recent record he appears to be more at ease with the USA compared to the Europeans. He has supported modernisation of Britain's nuclear weapons, and in so doing, confirmed that he sees the US as his country's most important strategic ally. Nevertheless, there is speculation and an expectation that he will gradually withdraw British troops from Iraq while retaining the military commitment in Afghanistan.

It will be a delicate initial 100 days for the new Prime Minister. Decision making in Britain might not necessarily be in the same vein as has been for the last ten years.

Mr. Brown's iron determination of being able to wait for the leadership for the last two years can only be described as a great personal achievement. Over the last ten years he has also proven that he is a formidable politician. This aspect has already been demonstrated through his disassociation from the extreme-left. He now has to consign to history the past feuds between the 'Blairites' and 'Brownites'. Wiping the slate clean will help him in his future endeavours.

One can only conclude that he will have many difficulties, but the British Conservative Party will underestimate him at their peril.

Muhammad Zamir is a former Secretary and Ambassador.