Committed to PEOPLE'S RIGHT TO KNOW
Vol. 5 Num 1090 Mon. June 25, 2007  
   
Editorial


Perspectives
What ailed our politics


The era of romantic democracy -- the one of egalitarianism, equality, welfare, and social justice is long over. We yearned for it for ages, without ever tasting it. Even after our freedom -- the struggle for which had, indeed, been built up on our quest for democracy -- it has persistently eluded us.

The AL's absolutism, Zia's shrewd political opportunism, and Ershad's decade of predatory rule, deflated it to the extent that democracy started to lose its traditional appeal. The post-1990 political process, and its experimentation with democracy, weren't particularly re-assuring either. This is a setback of historical proportions, and a tragedy for a generation which desired democracy so passionately and sacrificed so much to achieve it.

Ostensibly, the country, after one and half decades of direct and indirect military rule, had been brought back to its democratic frame with a representative government in power. There were the parliament, the cabinet, political parties, and other trappings of democracy. The elections were held, with regular transfer of power.

In a formal sense, Bangladesh was among the world's few parliamentary democracies, and met all of its criteria. Yet, our democracy suffered from a plethora of imperfections and inadequacies.

Although there were promises for transparency, the rulers took vital decisions in secrecy, with the exclusion of the opposition. Welfare was a far cry, and was, at best, meant for party loyalists of the ruling party. Under a creamy layer, it was sleazy all the way.

The hands of the successive governments were smeared with stark abuse of power and repression of civil rights, as was experienced during the autocratic regime just preceding the "democratic spring." And social justice and rule of law? Yes, but each ruling party had its own definition of justice and interpretation of law and policies, which were implemented and enforced in ways which suited the purpose of the establishment.

In the meantime, the parliament had ceased to be a meaningful forum for public debate, due mainly to the egotistic disposition of either of the contending parties. A "back to future" approach of the ruling regime which lacked both experience and vision managed to turn the people's psychological clock back.

While the government functionaries had no problem in sustaining themselves -- or even flourishing

-- the masses continued to wallow in misery. The public remained doubtful that the country could become a democracy only with its identifying symbols. The symbols may be good enough for the donor agencies and countries to consider aid grants for their clients, but not for the polity itself.

It is an irony that after a traumatic transition to democracy, it was the same lot of pseudo-politicians expediently created by the military itself -- the civil, military, bureaucratic, and political hustlers of various shades who participated in Ershadian looting -- who reappeared in politics in democratic grab.

Politics continued to remain the preserve of the same people who, after a period of hibernation, returned under the wings of a triumphant BNP.

Once again the same people -- the tax evaders, the bank defaulters, the smugglers, the criminals and robber barons -- were foisted upon an electorate unable to make an informed political choice. The election under the prevailing system failed to throw up the very best, the noblest or the fittest, but helped the scum of the society who were rich, unscrupulous and most powerful to bag the votes through tricks, manipulation and muscle power.

What was the credibility of entire election machinery, when the election could be rigged and the votes could be purchased with black money or through coercion.

Besides, a bitter and blind inter-party confrontation, the intra-party infighting, and absence of intra-organisational democracy continued to impede the growth of democratic culture in our country. It can't be, in any way, conducive to democratic growth if political opponents are hounded, harassed and persecuted, as was experienced during the authoritarian regime of BNP-Jamaat alliance -- while the acts of the betrayal of public trust, abuse of power and rampant corruption went unpunished.

The necessary checks and balances couldn't be expected from the judiciary when even the judges tried to adjust their legal expertise to the exigencies of current polities, and moved with the political wind.

Indeed, we reached a sad pass when the guns of the armed cadres patronised by the politicians spoke louder than their language of democracy. One of the most troubling deficiencies in our democracy has been the absence of the moral authority once exercised by leaders of integrity.

Today's self serving politicians lack the moral courage to exercise that authority. After having lost their ethical compass, the political class keeps groping for direction in thickening political haze.

Yet, an efflorescence of democracy is possible in this country, but it heavily depends on the quality, perseverance, and resolve of the pro-democracy forces. Democratic efflorescence has been likened to the explosion of the "critical mass" in a nuclear weapon system. For our democracy to flourish, a "critical mass" of people with commitment to democracy has to be accumulated, and a "critical mass" of passions accrued.

There is in place a highly responsible interim dispensation that promises a new democratic order in the country. It is busy preparing the ground to bring that about with a calculated set of reforms, and has achieved commendable success. We are presently in a political haze, and some government steps have been opaque and discriminatory. Yet, the hallmark of democracy is its openness.

Therefore, the sooner the haze clears off the better it will be for the polity. Even if political activities as well as fundamental rights are suspended under a state of emergency, the new parties or platforms that are proliferating cannot be outside the establishment's ken.

Good or bad, the public is not a bunch of cretins. Most of the members of the public may be illiterate, but they aren't clueless. There is an inherent political beast which lurks within the simplest soul who keeps tabs on what's happening in the power centre of the nation.

Brig ( retd) Hafiz is former DG of BIISS.