It caught the country off-guard, since no one expected the former prime minister to come out with such a strong statement in support of her arch political rival and bitterest critic. Khaleda Zia's carefully crafted statement did allude to the irrelevant and personal criticisms made by Sheikh Hasina on the immediate past prime minister, but graciously registered strong protest against the perceived "mishandling" of the arrest procedure.

Khaleda Zia's statement has elevated her status a few notches, as much as B. Chowdhury's demand for special treatment for heads of state and government lowered his. It is difficult to discern whether B. Chowdhury's statement and show of support was prompted by Sheikh Hasina's internment, or the publication of a report in a local newspaper that a substantial amount of money had changed hands to ensure the nomination of a candidate who was not even a member of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP).

The transaction has apparently been confirmed by the leader's son Mahi Chowdhury, a leader of LDP in his own right. Hence, the introduction of two sets of lawsone for the incumbent and former heads of state and government, and another for the rest of the citizenswas suggested at the wrong time, and critics could find a connection between the statement and the "money for nomination" scam. If the constitution ensures equality of all before the law, how can a former president suggest otherwise?

One positive outcome of the support expressed for Sheikh Hasina by a former prime minister and a former president has caused a ripple effect among their supporters. Hence, teachers at the University of Dhaka are demanding dignified treatment for both Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia. And a rally by BNP supporters in New York demanded release of both Tarique Rahman and Sheikh Hasina.

Who would have thought such unity would be possible? Both leaders have accused each other of being ruthless and unfair in persecuting the other. Sheikh Hasina's arrest and Khaleda Zia's statement seem to have unified political elements of all shades, who have now realized that their survival depends on the unity they have neglected for many years. The country will wait with interest to know Sheikh Hasina's reaction to these developments. It could be a long wait.

While the unifying impact can be seen as a positive development, Kamal Hossain's demand for "apology by wrongdoers" is not. Kamal Hossain himself apologized publicly for his past mistakes, and is calling upon others to do so. Bangladeshis have gone through this useless ritual before.

The Awami League returned to power in 1996 by apologizing for their mistakes and, after returning to power, it did not take long for the party to indulge in activities that required more apologies. Kamal Hossain's extensive experience in politics must have given him the realization that such apologies cannot be expected to be sincere, and that it was meaningless to harp on this ritual.

What the country expects is to see wrongdoers brought to justice, and treated according to the laws of the landwhether the perpetrator is an ordinary citizen or a head of state/or government. There is no scope for anyone to be accorded special treatment on grounds of being related to a past or present national leader. "Maaf chawa" is no remedy for plundering the country and torturing people. They deserve severe punishment.

The most recent developmentduring a time when political activities are prohibitedis the birth of a political party. It is outrageous to allow certain groups to continue political activities while others cannot do so. The government's credibility will suffer from the application of double standards. Speculation abounds regarding the impetus, support, and financing of the new political party.

Taking into consideration the level of political development in Bangladesh, it is safe to predict that there is no way to replace the two major political partiesBangladesh Awami League and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party. These parties have established roots in the country over years of hard work by dedicated organizers. The Progressive Democratic Party will simply become another bargaining chip, ready to be used in the tussle between the two major parties.

The Jamaat-i-Islami and various factions of the Jatiya Party and others, like the Khelafat Majlish, have caused enough damage to the country. Devoid of any clear political ideology or clout to win elections, such parties have used the existing system to their advantage by jumping on the bandwagon of the major parties and alliances in return for seats in the Parliament, and even the cabinet.

In turn, the major political parties have used them to ensure majority in the Parliament and attain short-term gains, often sacrificing principles that have contributed to their stature as the leading political parties of Bangladesh.

The attempt to create further divisive forces in the society at the moment, when there is a silver lining of unity among political parties, is a matter for concern. Leaders of both parties have repeatedly asserted that they will introduce reforms to ensure democratic practices, and eliminate the undesirable elements of terrorism and corruption. The next step is to facilitate the process by providing support and ensuring appropriate penalties to those who have violated laws in the past.

The political community should send a clear message that Bangladesh is now poised to enter an era of decent, mature, unified, rational, and intelligent approach to politics. Neither the creation of new factions nor the expression of apology will have any contribution to that end. Let the healing process begin.

Ahmed Shafiqul Huque is an Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, McMaster University, Canada.