Heads bowed, in gratitude|| The martyrs, war crimes and justice || The intellectuals' legacy|| Murder most foul || Memory's eternal flame || Our homage||

 

The intellectuals' legacy

Shahid Alam

Archive

Today marks yet another year of Shaheed Buddhijibi Dibosh, or Martyred Intellectuals Day. How time flies! The events that happened almost forty years ago, over a nine month period, beginning with 25 March 1971 and culminating on 14 December that same year, the day the nation-state of Bangladesh observes as Martyred Intellectuals Day. That series of events led to, according to the Banglapedia, the violent deaths of an estimated 991 teachers, 13 journalists, 49 physicians, 42 lawyers, and 16 writers, artists and engineers, all of whom are considered to fall under the broad rubric of intellectuals.

But these intellectuals are special, not simply because of the fact that their lives were cut short violently in a hail of hot bullets or at the point of cold sharp steel, but particularly because of the likely reason they were sacrificed. And sacrificed they were --- on the altar of anti-intellectualism that was afraid of what they had done, were doing, or were thought would be doing. The killing of the Bengali intellectuals was not done as a result of hostility towards, and mistrust of, intellect, intellectuals, and intellectual pursuits as impractical and contemptible (as, for example, happened in Democratic Kampuchea from 1975 to 1979 when the Khmer Rouge purged intellectuals, or during Mao Zedong's The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution's social engineering in China in the 1960s), but as a manifestation of what Jean Paul Sartre once said about intellectuals. The French philosopher saw a nobler mission for the intellectual than is seen in real life, and, thereby, narrowed down its definition, as well as inclusiveness. He set apart intellectuals as being moral conscience of their age, their task being to observe the political and social state of affairs of the time, and to freely speak out in accordance with their principles.

Of course, not all intellectuals are, or try to be, consciously or inadvertently, moral conscience of their age, still less observers of the political and social condition of the time, just as not all the martyred Bengali intellectuals were. Some were involved in, as many of their ilk are in different societies, almost entirely abstract, erudite ideas and theories, some were purely into culture and art as authoritative figures, and only a section of them simultaneously pursued intellectual activities and political and social observation, including, in specific instances, taking an activist position. However, in Pakistani occupation and their local henchmen's eyes, they were lumped together, and identified as a collective intellectual force hostile to their ideology, and active proponents of Bangladesh's freedom and independence. Therefore, they were all killed, many after having been subjected to horrific torture.

The intellectuals' sacrifice, and the reasons for the sacrifice, are ample testimony for them to remain immortalized in the annals of this country. For, after all, whether they were or not, the occupiers and their local cohorts were convinced that they were a collective key element in arousing and stoking the nationalist feelings of the Bengalis. Again, it is immaterial what percentage of the Bengalis were directly, or through a ripple effect, influenced or inspired by the intellectuals. The very fact that the intellectuals were perceived to have done so was enough to have sealed their fate. And, that they were a primary target is borne out by the fact that some of them were sought out on the very first night of the military crackdown, while many more were silenced forever on the very eve of final victory and liberation.

We remember them, or, as their faces recede from the collective memory of those who knew them, or were around when they were, simply because the eternal truth of human existence compels that, if one is born, one must die, and, so, they themselves are taking their leave of this world, recall the fact of the intellectuals' collective sacrifice so that a new nation-state could be born. While we remember their sacrifice, do we ponder on all the ramifications of their martyrdom? Because, in the end, what will matter is just that, and, more and more, will dominate the significance of this special day. This entails self-introspection by the current crop of intellectuals in an environment characterized not by an adversary called the Pakistani military and administrative ruling class, but primarily by an internal enemy created largely by the Bangladeshis themselves.

For any number of reasons, not the least because of the changes to society brought about by momentous changes in technology and the global political and economic system, today's intellectual environment, indeed, the mindset of many intellectuals, does not exactly match that of those prior to 1971. Nor would it be fair to expect them to do so. Instead of confronting a single focused adversary like their predecessors did, they now face a plethora of corporeal foes and inimical situations to deal with. And they are finding it a very tough exercise in successfully tackling this hydra-headed monster through either passive or active intellectualism. Their inability, or limited success, in being able to do so is a sign of the times in which they have inevitably become a part of. And, that is fine, because it could not realistically be otherwise. However, the worrying aspect of this involvement is that at least a section of them have become entangled with the murkier side of the changing times.

In a nutshell, in Bangladesh, many have become a part of a nation divided against itself. Before going into a little more detail on this issue, recount and contrast the situation prior to 1971, and during that year of despair, hope, and ultimate triumph for the Bengali nation, when, irrespective of ideological differences (and, it needs to be underscored, they were there, and in significant numbers and fervor), almost the entire intellectual community was united in concerning themselves with the paramount national cause first and foremost, if not only, and the imperative of realizing it. The rest, as they say, is history, and their contribution has been duly recognized both by their being singled out for martyrdom, and for the grateful country to recognize their sacrifice by designating 14 December as Martyred Intellectuals Day.

But, while we must relive the past, we are living in the present. And that present, to reiterate, includes the nation of Bangladesh being divided against itself along solidly entrenched lines, most of which is so petty and inane that it boggles the mind in searching for the answer to whether we have not leapfrogged straight from infancy to senility without having gone through the stage of adulthood, where we should be eternally residing. The offshoot of this division can be found in almost every aspect of governance and institutions, and it is a despairing situation since the nation is being significantly held back from realizing its full potential towards political, economic, and social development.

And, let us not be fooled by donors or international organizations every once in a while patting us on our back, or ourselves unceasingly patting ourselves on the back that we are just within striking distance of becoming a middle income country. We might well be, but, as things stand, almost all the low income countries will have to be considered as such! Just take the example of a critical indicator, various countries' Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita, from both nominal and purchasing power parity (PPP) considerations, prepared by two of the most influential IGOs, IMF and the World Bank (WB), for the year 2009. In IMF's estimation, the nominal GDP per capita for Bangladesh is US $583, which places it at number 158 out of 182 countries considered, and US $1487 for GDP (PPP) per capita, which marginally improves its position to 155 out of the same 182 countries, while according to WB, Bangladesh, with $551 GDP (nominal) per capita, lies in 146th position out of 164 countries, while, with $1420 GDP (PPP) per capita, improves to number 140 out of 162 nations. The global average for GDP (nominal) per capita, according to IMF, is $8587, while, in WB's assessment, it is $8594, and, in terms of GDP (PPP) per capita, the world average, from IMF's evaluation, is $10398, and from WB's estimation, it is $10706. Sobering figures these, but Bangladesh could do so much better if only it had not become divided within itself, and, in the process, let loose a gamut of dysfunctional elements to bedevil the nation.

To pick up on the thread of the intellectuals again. It needs to be mentioned, although I believe it is fairly common knowledge, that many of the intellectuals have become an integral part of the divided nation anathema, identifying with one or the other camp. Sadly, at least some of them have eschewed the moral high standard that once did characterize the intellectual's ethos, and have been indulging in the crass offshoots of the division. But they should have been bringing their moral authority to protest against the phenomenon, as their predecessors once did, and then paid with their lives for doing so. Need we say more? Exactly how have we framed the long-term legacy of the martyred intellectuals? Let them rest in peace.
..........................................
Prof. Shahid Alam is Head, Media and Communication Department, Independent University Bangladesh (IUB).