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![]() From better governance to Din Bodol -- Rehman Sobhan National consensus and unity for change -- Dr. Kamal Hossain The state, culture and society -- Serajul Islam Chowdhury Extra-mile the ruling party has to go -- Dr. Syed Anwar Husain Political culture and its impact on governance -- Enam A Chaudhury Political party finance--Muzaffer Ahmad Women of Bangladesh: where are they? -- Nasim Firdaus Women's role in politics- Quantity and quality -- Sultana Kamal To combat violence against women-- Mahmuda Husain The case of local government-- Tofail Ahmed Withdrawal of Cases Where is the end--Dr.Sarkar Ali Akkas A challenge for political management -- Rounaq Jahan Right to information: Status of implementation -- Shaheen Anam Reforms for democratic consolidation -- Dr. Badiul Alam Majumdar Provenance of administrative reforms -- Dr. Saadat Husain Parliamentary committees Moving from form to substance -- Farid Hossain Politicial spell on bureaucracy -- Sadrul Hasan Mazumder Carrying forward the RTI -- Sanjida Sobhan Governance in the new millennium -- Mahbub Husain Khan Boycott culture crippling parliament --Shakhawat Liton Can we expect an effective ACC? -- Iftekharuzzaman Sycophancy is a two-way road -- Mohammad Badrul Ahsan Three years since 1/11: Expectation vs. reality -- Syed Munir Khasru Police and politics -- ASM Shahjahan Leaky drainage infrastructure of the capital city -- Ershad Kamol Reducing the horrendous traffic congestion -- Dr. Charisma Choudhury Implementation of Dhaka city Master Plan -- Salma A. Shafi
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Boycott culture crippling parliament Shakhawat Liton
BEFORE taking office, MPs-elected 'solemnly' swear to 'faithfully' discharge their duties and also not to allow 'personal interests' to influence discharge of the duties. In the constitution, the words 'solemnly', 'faithfully' and 'personal interests' are stated in the form of oath of MPs, demonstrating the importance and significance of the duties to be discharged by them. According to the constitution, MPs will make new laws, and amend, repeal or modify the existing ones to make them time befitting. They will also look into whether the existing laws are enforced properly or not and will also oversee the executive's functions. They will engage in debates and discussions on issues which are nationally important in parliament to prepare or pave the way for preparing better policies to lead the nation forward, and also find out solutions to the problem, if there is any. With their efforts, they will make the parliament the country's supreme law making an oversight institution, and the focal point of all political activities as well. Considering solemnity and sensitivity of their duties, the constitution offers them great immunity -- an MP will not be liable to proceedings in any court in respect of anything said, or any vote given by him in parliament or in any committee thereof. The parliament itself determines their remuneration and allowances that are free from tax, and it may determine other privileges for them. Therefore, MPs must join sessions of parliament and also meetings of its different committees to discharge the constitutional duties. They are bound by oath to do it and there can be no excuse in defence of refraining from joining parliament day after day. But since the restoration of the parliamentary system of governance in 1991, the MPs in opposition seemed to have forgotten their oath. They have been showing various excuses to justify boycott the parliament day after day. In their bid to counter the ruling party's 'winner takes all' attitude, they have been holding parliament 'hostage' to realise their demands, most of which are related to their personal and partisan interests. For example the main opposition, BNP, has been boycotting the current parliament since its second session in June with the demands for increasing their seats in the front row, withdrawal of cases filed against opposition leader Khaleda Zia and her son Tarique Rahman. Sticking to their guns, the opposition lawmakers boycotted around half the total sittings of parliament in the last 19 years. Since 1991 to November 5, 2009, the parliaments including the current one had 1,241 sittings while the opposition lawmakers boycotted as many as 584 sittings. Nearly half the business of parliaments was transacted without participation of opposition lawmakers, who dodged their duties and betrayed the people's expectations. The culture was born in the fifth parliament when the then opposition Awami League started boycotting parliament to realise their demands. The then AL lawmakers boycotted 135 out of 400 sittings of the fifth parliament. Interestingly, the boycott resulted in introduction of an undemocratic government -- caretaker government system -- for around three months to hold the parliamentary elections. The then ruling BNP's mentality to abuse state power to ensure victory in the election contributed to drumming up people's support for the demand to constitute the caretaker government system. Misuse of state power for manipulating the elections began in Magura by-election and which got momentum in the February 15, 1996 parliamentary polls boycotted by other major political parties. Through the February 15 parliamentary polls, the sixth parliament was constituted. But it had a life of only 11 days to amend the constitution and introduce the caretaker government system. The seventh parliamentary election was held on June 12, 1996 under the caretaker government and a new parliament was constituted. The parliament boycott culture, which was born in the fifth parliament, got a fresh impetus in the seventh parliament when the then main opposition BNP started boycotting parliament. They boycotted 163 out of total 382 sittings of the seventh parliament, between 1996-2001. In the seventh parliament, the then ruling AL, which had given birth to the culture in the fifth parliament, had a strong voice against parliament boycott. But when the AL again found itself in the opposition bench in the eighth parliament, it set another example of boycotting parliament from the beginning of the new House. It did not join the inaugural session, making the eighth parliament unlucky compared to the fifth and seventh parliament that began journey with the presence of the then main opposition lawmakers. The AL lawmakers remained absent from 70 consecutive sittings since the beginning of the new parliament. They joined the parliamentary committees after around three years. Raising different issues, and in protest of the then ruling BNP's refusal to allow discussions on important national issues, the AL started boycotting the parliament. They boycotted 223 out of 373 sittings of the eighth parliament, between 2002-2006. Amid boycott of the then main opposition lawmakers, the eighth parliament was dissolved on October 27, 2006, without resolving the political crisis over the appointment of chief adviser to the caretaker government. The political situation became further volatile. In the face of political turmoil, the then president, Iajuddin Ahmed, declared the state of emergency on January 11, 2007, suspending the January 22 parliamentary polls. The state of emergency installed a caretaker government backed by the army. The nearly two years of eventful rule of the caretaker government put a break to the journey of democracy since 1991. The un-elected government's rule came to an end with the holding of the December 29 parliamentary election. The ninth parliament began its journey on January 25 with the presence of main opposition BNP lawmakers. Their presence on the inaugural day of the new parliament raised the hope for changes in the political culture, particularly parliament boycott. Political analysts had earlier predicted a change in the political culture due to bitter experiences gathered during the immediate past un-elected government's long rule. But the culture did not disappear from the political landscape. 'No compromise' attitude of the ruling and main opposition party brought back the negative culture within a few days after the new parliament's journey. BNP lawmakers boycotted 16 out of 39 sittings of first session of the ninth parliament. And they opted to continue the boycott from the second session in June and they didn't join the third session as well. The result is that the opposition lawmakers in the last year boycotted three-fourth sittings of the new parliament that had 86 sittings, out of which the BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami lawmakers joined only 23. The policymakers of the two archrivals -- AL and BNP, very often blame each other for the situation. When in the treasury bench, these political parties claim that the boycotting opposition is being irresponsible by not attending parliament. The same parties, when in the opposition, blame the treasury bench for compelling them to stay away from the House proceedings. But enough is enough. People are tired of negative politics. The AL and the BNP that have been dominating the parliaments since 1991 should now admit that they have failed to deliver on people's expectations. They should minimise the gaps by any means and make parliament functional literally. In that case, the ruling AL should come up with an open mind to transform the political culture as it pledged in its electoral manifesto entitled the "Charter for change." It also pledged to formulate a consensual code for political behavior. But the party has yet to take any step in that direction. So, the AL must ring the bell. Parliament boycott culture must come to an end right now. Enactment of a new law is not required, what is necessary is sincerity of the parties concerned -- AL and BNP. And MPs must faithfully discharge their duties and not allow personal interests to influence their job. Without question, until the parliament is made effective, no significant change in governance will take place. .......................................... |
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