Three years since 1/11: Expectation vs. reality

Syed Munir Khasru

Sven Hagolani

It has been three years since the much talked about 1/11 happened. Needless to say, in the last three years the nation has passed through a unique period never experienced before. From the seismic events that captured the attention of the people in 2007 to the slow and gradual retreat of the CTG beginning from early 2008, from assumption of power by the Awami League in January 2009 to the passing of its one year in power it has been a roller coaster ride from hope to despair, from frustration to expectation, and now from expectation to reality.

January 2007 saw confrontational politics reaching its peak surrounding the parliamentary elections. The country was sliding into anarchy and civil disorder when political activists from the rival parties took it to the streets and it became a free for all battle. Valuable lives were being sacrificed at the altar of senseless and irresponsible conduct by the rival political parties that put into shame whatever democratic credentials we have been known for. The nation was dangerously drifting into unchartered territories as the political divide was almost fragmenting the nation down the middle and the ordinary citizens became helpless witness to an insane orgy of brutality and savagery in the streets of Dhaka.

Then came the army backed emergency rule and the assumption of power by the CTG led by Dr. Fakhruddin Ahmed. Much happened during this two eventful years of 2007 and 2008 which is expected to have a long lasting effect on the political landscape of Bangladesh in the years to come. There has been endless debate on 1/11 and it still continues. Starting from the legitimacy of the two year rule by the CTG to the arrest of the heads of two major political parties, from the anti-corruption drive to the ultimate release of all those jailed, from the controversial remarks of the then army chief to the role played by some intelligence agencies, from the preparation of a credible voter list to the ultimate triumph of Awami League in the elections too many events have been wrapped up in too short a time.

The nation returned to its journey towards democracy in early 2009 and the assumption of power by a political party this time has been under very different and unique set of circumstances compared to any other since we returned to parliamentary democracy in 1991. The events emanating from 1/11 have had such an impact in the minds of the people, that it has fundamentally changed perceptions and expectations on key issues like - democracy and good governance, rule of law and anti-corruption, armed forces and their role in the socio-political framework, foreign influence in our domestic affairs and their propriety, and last and not the least is the whole new debate on the very need of CTGs as a stop gap means to ensure free and fair elections for our continued journey in democracy.

As we retrospectively look into the tumultuous events of 2007, the despair and uncertainty of 2008, the renewed hope and aspiration in 2009 after the elections time has come to have an introspection as to how we have either progressed or regressed as a nation in the last three years. Given the enormity of issues that comes under the microscope, it would be an impossible task to do a comprehensive analysis of these events in a single piece of write up. Particularly, given the complex political and socio-economic fabric we have as a nation, any study of an extraneous event like 1/11 is likely to be challenging. This article aims at putting into perspective some of the basic issues and key stakeholders that have shaped peoples' expectations since 1/11 and how those expectations have been matched in reality.

shawkat jamil

The political domain: The 1st year of the new government has passed by without any significant political confrontation -- which is not surprising as the nation made its choice of political leadership only a year ago. The disappointment has been the absence of the Opposition from the Parliament and the old culture continues. Although recently the Opposition has made the praiseworthy decision of joining the parliament, how long it will continue remains to be seen. We have progressed very little from the mindset of “winner takes it all” and the “loser has nothing to gain”. The government and opposition still remain far from the desired level of interaction and communication expected in a healthy parliamentary democracy. Unless politicians find a way to overcome this corrosive attitude, the tension beneath the surface will negatively affect progress in all sectors -- law and order, economic development & employment generation, trade and investment. The specter of 1/11 should serve as a stark reminder of where we can end up when the surface tension becomes a full blown volcanic eruption.

Among the positive developments have been the increasingly assertive role played by the different Parliamentary Standing Committees. If these committees function independently and serve as a check and balance to the power and authority of line ministries, then the ministers and secretaries will be more accountable and responsible in making their decisions. However, in some instances, we have seen few individuals using these committees as means for settling old scores or serving their personal vendetta against institutions and individuals who may have crossed their paths after the 1/11. While no one expects magnanimity of the likes of Nelson Mandela, we do expect sensible behavior from the peoples' representatives and the need to “move on”.

The leadership: One of the most noticeable changes has been the more matured, composed, and better balanced individual the Prime Minister seems to have become compared to her leadership during the last term of the Awami League government. Particularly, her relative restraint in terms of verbal utterances about the opposition is a welcome change. This has helped improve her image as a more responsible leader. Her decisiveness and willingness to take calculated risks also are positive factors so long as objectives and motives are not in a collision path. She seems to be a person who is more at peace with herself than what she used to be during the last time -- jittery, tense, angry, and quite intolerant. It is a change in a positive direction and she deserves the credit it entails.

The Leader of the Opposition still is in the phase of recovering from the multiple shocks she has had to go through since 1/11 -- imprisonment of both herself and the sons, the electoral debacle, the fragmentation of the party, absence of new leadership generation process, and the organizational inertia that is yet to overcome. She has not made many public appearances and until her recent meeting with the media, she has mostly remained reclusive. Given the absence of her son and the controversies still hovering in the public domain, these are indeed challenging times for the Leader of the Opposition to have the party activated and the grassroot leaders motivated. Although in the past, she has proven her resilience, the enormity of challenge this time probably surpasses any previous one she has had to face during her political career spanning over more than two decades. Both the leaders are facing true test of leadership, although the challenges are different in their nature and magnitude.

The intra-party factors: Absence of measures that could have resulted in meaningful democratic practices within the parties has been disappointing. Whatever talks or prophecies surfaced in the immediate aftermath of 1/11 regarding party reforms and democratising the process of selection of leaders and office-bearers throughout the party hierarchy, in reality very little has progressed. Rather, with the reformists being cornered and having to prove their allegiance with renewed vigor, whatever talk or hope of intra-party reform was there -- has been almost completely sidelined and buried.

With the “reformists” being penalized and “loyalists” asserting their hold, chances of reforms in the near future seems remote. In a country where people are inherently democratic minded, there is hardly any political party that practises internal democracy. Irrespective of reformists or loyalists, people expected to see the cultivation of intra-party democratic practices that rewards leaders and workers based more on their performance and competency as opposed to the same old criteria of sycophancy and unquestioned allegiance. That aspiration remains far from being fulfilled.

Corruption and good governance: One of hallmarks of the early days of 1/11 was the arrest of bigwigs politicians, businessmen, bureaucrats, activists -- for alleged corruption. It is a well known fact that most of the people did support measures against people who are well known for their corruption, bank-default, and other forms of extortion and abuse. In fact that was one of the major reasons for the initial popular support that the CTG enjoyed before they got embroiled into too many things without a clear agenda or sense of direction. Hence, after the elections, people's expectations were rather high that this time around the democratically elected government will give a fresh impetus to the drive to remove corruption and misuse of power from the very beginning.

While the cabinet has people of unquestioned repute like Ms. Matia Chowdhury and Mr. Muhith, it also has some tainted faces heading vital ministries and the resulting cause for concern as these ministries are handling some of the biggest projects to be undertaken during the tenure of this government. Already scores of reports have surfaced in the newspapers on how these unscrupulous people have been openly interfering in the tendering process. Unless the PM reins in sooner than later, no matter how much good intention and rhetoric is there, it will be a futile exercise in good governance. People are more aware than before and the corresponding prices to pay will be higher this time if the government does not end its term with a clean image.

While the Anti-Corruption Commission is better than the 1st one we had, it still is reeling from shortage of resources and continues to be critically dependent on the government for its financing and operation. The ACC Chairman on more than one occasion has expressed his frustration with the inadequate moral and logistical support he has been getting from the administration. The ACC still has much distance to travel before it can be considered to be truly independent and free from undue political interferences.

Law and order and rule of law: Emergency Rule, at least had one positive effect i.e. the relatively better law and order situation. Whether due to some form of presence of the armed forces or because of the ability of the police and other law enforcers to work with less interference, the general people felt more safe and secured during the two years of CTG. The godfathers, maastans, hooligans, and toll collectors went into hiding with the resulting sigh of relief in the public domain. At least people could feel, if allowed to function properly, how the state machinery can indeed give them the protection they deserve. With elections, one of the worries was whether we slide back to the unsafe and insecured environment that peaked into a total lawlessness and chaos just before the 1/11.

While it is true that the law and order has not slided back to the worst of what we witnessed during the terms of the previously elected governments, it also has not reached a level whereby citizens would be comfortable enough to take a rickshaw ride in the evening without having to worry about being mugged. There are still reports in the media of toll collection and vandalism by some ruling party men in different localities. The godfathers may have become less visible but their lackeys and some party activists continue to be active. The student fronts of the ruling party have been quite unruly that even have annoyed the Prime Minister herself.

The government needs to act more to show its sincerity and the concerned ministers need to speak less. Public security is generated through credible acts and not mere tough talks without necessary follow up actions.

Economy: One of the key failures of the post 1/11 CTG was the inability to check prices of essentials compounded by rising food and energy prices in the international market. Thanks to the sincere and tireless effort of both the Agriculture and Food Minister, the food prices did come down in the beginning until it surged again recently. The macroeconomic parameters are stable and Bangladesh has weathered well the external shocks and the global recessionary effects. However, chronic shortage of gas and power leading to poor investment and resulting weak employment generation has not helped the economy. Without pragmatic policy initiatives and more importantly, effective project implementation, the economic performance is likely to be lackluster and start hurting the government.

Among the major impediments for foreign investment during the period of CTG were the looming political uncertainty and the atmosphere of fear that permeated the business community. Now that we have a democratically elected government with a clear mandate, the onus is on the government to seize the initiative and promote investment and accelerate economic growth.

The administration and bureaucracy: Politicisation of the administration has been one of the most negative outcomes of the democratic system that has evolved over the years. Whatever expectations have been generated during the CTG about having an administration free from undue meddling, it has been largely dashed by the practice of the same culture by the ruling party of rewarding the loyals and penalising the disloyal or even neutral. For example, in some instances, competent officers have been branded as being sympathizer of a religion based political party just because they happen to be devout and practising Muslims and open about their strong religious convictions. The outcome has been that they have been either side lined or sent home -- how outrageous ! This culture of making people OSDs for wrong reasons is still working like a slow poison resulting in government officers' suffering from job insecurity, mental anxiety, and a demoralised state of mind. OSD or Officer on Special Duty is actually a misnomer as in reality OSD means “Officer on Slow Demise”.

The corrosive culture that started with the “Pro Mancha” and “Anti Mancha” classification of bureaucrats from the mid nineties has destroyed both the moral and professional foundation of the civil service. With a two-thirds majority in the Parliament, AL is best positioned to revert this practice which has seen the administration become a play ground for petty partisan politics and not the place where the best and the brightest of the nation are rewarded for their professional competency and service to the nation. Government officers with open political loyalty or allegiance should be punished or at least not rewarded, no matter which party they favour. Similarly, officers who are politically neutral, competent, and honest should be rewarded most.

An efficient, honest, and professional bureaucracy is one of the cornerstones of a functional democracy and by tampering with it recklessly, the country continues to be on a self-defeating course as the best and the brightest of the new generation hardly have any interest in this much vaunted career once upon a time. It is not good for either the political parties or the country. The Prime Minister on a number of occasions has asked high government officials to work without fear and to make policy decisions without delays. It will never happen so long as officers remain nervous and keep on playing safe to save their jobs. This vicious culture can only be reverted if she herself is determined to free the administration from the moral plague that has gripped it in the last fifteen years. She still has four years to repair this serious damage.

The future: As the AL government is getting over the initial honeymoon period and moving into the more difficult period of mid-life overhaul and reengineering within another year, it would be wise to be sensitive to the core issues of governance on which people gave them a resounding mandate and rejected the BNP in the last election. The greatest lesson of history is that we hardly learn from history. One can always argue about the need or justification of 1/11 or question the legal validity of their rule. However, there is none who would question the general popular support on issues like bringing to justice the law breakers (no matter how high or mighty), holding the corrupt accountable for their misdeeds, letting the law enforcers work without political interference, rewarding the government officers for their performance and not encouraging sycophancy.

There comes the question of what kind of expectations were generated by the cataclysmic events of 1/11 and how far an elected government with such an overwhelming mandate have done to meet those. People are the best judge and time and again they have shown that they know better than what politicians would like to believe. If nothing else, 1/11 has upped the peoples' expectations and next time around, performance of the government would be judged by the electorate against higher standards of positive results and lower tolerance for unacceptable failures. One thing for sure - it will never be the same.
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The author is a Professor at the Institute of Business Administration (IBA), University of Dhaka.

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